新增大模型知识库技能
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*.log
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run_summary*.json
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runs/**
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!runs/
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!runs/placeholder_audit.md
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#!/usr/bin/env python3
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"""
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台湾 2028 知识库批量生成工具
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基于 prompts_master.json + 多个 *_full_list.json，
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调用 OpenAI 格式 API 批量生成知识库文件。
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依赖:
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pip install openai
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基本用法:
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# 跑所有清单，输出到 ./knowledge_generated/
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python generate_knowledge.py \\
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--api-key YOUR_KEY \\
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--base-url https://api.openai.com/v1 \\
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--model gpt-4o \\
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--master-prompt prompts_master.json \\
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--lists p1_full_list.json p2_full_list.json p3_full_list.json p_mil_ext_full_list.json \\
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--reference-dir ./knowledge_existing \\
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--output-dir ./knowledge_generated \\
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--summary-file ./run_summary.json
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# 干跑（不调用 API），看会跑哪些 item
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python generate_knowledge.py ... --dry-run
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# 只跑特定优先级
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python generate_knowledge.py ... --priority P1
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# 只跑特定议题组
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python generate_knowledge.py ... --topic-group taiwan_military
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# 只跑特定 ID（支持多个）—— 用于重跑失败的
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python generate_knowledge.py ... --ids P1-MIL-PERSON-01 P1-MIL-ORG-01
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# 限制数量（先测试 3 份）
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python generate_knowledge.py ... --limit 3
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# 并发执行（默认 1 顺序）
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python generate_knowledge.py ... --concurrency 3
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# 兼容多种 OpenAI 格式 API:
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# OpenAI: --base-url https://api.openai.com/v1 --model gpt-4o
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# DeepSeek: --base-url https://api.deepseek.com --model deepseek-chat
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# 阿里通义: --base-url https://dashscope.aliyuncs.com/compatible-mode/v1 --model qwen-max
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# 本地 vLLM: --base-url http://localhost:8000/v1 --model your-local-model
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# Ollama: --base-url http://localhost:11434/v1 --model llama3.1
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"""
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import argparse
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import asyncio
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import json
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import logging
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import re
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import sys
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import time
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from dataclasses import dataclass, field
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from pathlib import Path
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from typing import Any, Optional
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# ============================================================
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# 数据结构
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# ============================================================
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@dataclass
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class GenerationItem:
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"""单一待生成文件"""
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id: str
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path: str
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name: str
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type: str
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priority: str
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topic_group: str
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topic: str
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style_reference: list[str] = field(default_factory=list)
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must_cover: list[str] = field(default_factory=list)
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key_relations: dict[str, str] = field(default_factory=dict)
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notes: str = ""
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source_list: str = "" # 来源清单文件名
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@classmethod
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def from_dict(cls, data: dict, source_list: str = "") -> "GenerationItem":
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return cls(
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id=data.get("id", ""),
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path=data.get("path", ""),
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name=data.get("name", ""),
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type=data.get("type", ""),
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priority=data.get("priority", ""),
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topic_group=data.get("topic_group", ""),
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topic=data.get("topic", ""),
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style_reference=data.get("style_reference", []),
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must_cover=data.get("must_cover", []),
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key_relations=data.get("key_relations", {}),
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notes=data.get("notes", ""),
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source_list=source_list,
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)
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@dataclass
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class GenerationResult:
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"""单一文件的生成结果"""
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item: GenerationItem
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success: bool
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content: Optional[str] = None
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error: Optional[str] = None
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elapsed_seconds: float = 0.0
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input_tokens: int = 0
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output_tokens: int = 0
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# ============================================================
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# 文件加载
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# ============================================================
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def load_master_prompt(path: Path) -> dict:
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"""加载通用提示词文件"""
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if not path.exists():
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sys.exit(f"错误: 找不到通用提示词文件 {path}")
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with path.open(encoding="utf-8") as f:
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return json.load(f)
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def load_list_files(paths: list[Path]) -> list[GenerationItem]:
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"""加载所有清单文件，合并 items"""
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all_items: list[GenerationItem] = []
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for path in paths:
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if not path.exists():
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logging.warning(f"清单文件不存在，跳过: {path}")
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continue
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with path.open(encoding="utf-8") as f:
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data = json.load(f)
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items_raw = data.get("items", [])
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for item_data in items_raw:
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item = GenerationItem.from_dict(item_data, source_list=path.name)
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all_items.append(item)
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logging.info(f"加载清单 {path.name}：{len(items_raw)} 个 items")
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return all_items
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def load_reference_file(reference_dir: Path, rel_path: str) -> Optional[str]:
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"""加载风格参考文件"""
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full_path = reference_dir / rel_path
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if not full_path.exists():
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logging.warning(f" 风格参考文件不存在: {full_path}")
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return None
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try:
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return full_path.read_text(encoding="utf-8")
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except Exception as e:
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logging.warning(f" 无法读取风格参考文件 {full_path}: {e}")
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return None
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# ============================================================
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# Prompt 组装
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# ============================================================
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def build_system_prompt(master: dict) -> str:
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"""组装 system prompt——通用部分"""
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mp = master["master_prompt"]
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parts = [
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"# 角色",
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mp["role"],
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"",
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"# 写作哲学",
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"",
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"## 核心原则",
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mp["writing_philosophy"]["core_principle"],
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"",
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"## 避免",
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]
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for x in mp["writing_philosophy"]["what_to_avoid"]:
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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parts.extend(["", "## 追求"])
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for x in mp["writing_philosophy"]["what_to_pursue"]:
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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parts.extend([
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"",
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"# 风格要求",
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f"- 语言：{mp['stylistic_requirements']['language']}",
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f"- 语气：{mp['stylistic_requirements']['tone']}",
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f"- 用词：{mp['stylistic_requirements']['wording']}",
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f"- 格式：{mp['stylistic_requirements']['format']}",
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"",
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"# 必含段落",
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])
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for section_name, section_items in mp["mandatory_sections"].items():
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parts.append(f"\n## {section_name}")
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for x in section_items:
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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parts.extend(["", "# 深度指标 —— 好的档案应有"])
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for x in mp["depth_indicators"]["what_a_good_file_has"]:
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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parts.extend(["", "# 反模式 —— 严格避免"])
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for x in mp["anti_patterns"]:
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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return "\n".join(parts)
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def build_type_prompt(master: dict, item_type: str) -> str:
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"""组装类型专属 prompt"""
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type_prompts = master["type_prompts"]
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if item_type not in type_prompts:
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logging.warning(f" 未知类型 '{item_type}'，使用通用规范")
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return ""
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tp = type_prompts[item_type]
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parts = [
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f"# 类型规范：{item_type}",
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"",
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f"## 描述",
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tp["description"],
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"",
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f"## 字数区间",
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tp["length_range"],
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"",
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"## 必须涵盖的维度",
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]
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for x in tp["must_cover_dimensions"]:
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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parts.extend(["", "## 写作注意事项"])
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for x in tp.get("additional_notes", []):
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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return "\n".join(parts)
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def build_user_prompt(
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item: GenerationItem,
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reference_contents: list[tuple[str, str]],
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) -> str:
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"""组装 user prompt——本份文件的具体指令"""
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parts = [
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"# 本次任务：撰写以下档案",
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"",
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f"**文件路径**: `{item.path}`",
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f"**名称**: {item.name}",
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f"**类型**: {item.type}",
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f"**议题分组**: {item.topic_group}",
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f"**优先级**: {item.priority}",
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"",
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f"## 主题",
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item.topic,
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"",
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"## 必须涵盖的具体维度",
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]
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for x in item.must_cover:
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parts.append(f"- {x}")
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parts.extend(["", "## 关键关联文件（在文中适当位置交叉引用）"])
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for rel_path, function in item.key_relations.items():
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parts.append(f"- `{rel_path}` —— {function}")
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if item.notes:
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parts.extend(["", "## 本档案的特定写作注意事项", item.notes])
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if reference_contents:
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parts.extend([
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"",
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"---",
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"",
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"# 风格参考——以下是已写好的同类档案，请参照其结构、深度、用词、分析方式",
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])
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for ref_path, content in reference_contents:
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parts.extend([
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"",
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f"## 参考档案：`{ref_path}`",
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"",
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"```markdown",
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content,
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"```",
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])
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parts.extend([
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"",
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"---",
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"",
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"# 输出要求",
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"",
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"1. **只输出最终的 Markdown 档案内容**——不要任何前言、说明、代码块包裹。",
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"2. 直接以档案的第一行（标题行 `# XXX`）开始，以最后一行（`last_updated:` 标注）结束。",
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"3. 严格遵守类型规范的字数区间。",
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"4. 必须涵盖『必须涵盖的具体维度』中所有项目。",
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"5. 在文中适当位置交叉引用『关键关联文件』中至少 70% 的文件。",
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"6. 遵循风格参考的结构与深度——但**不要照抄**，要为本档案的主题做合适的调整。",
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"7. 必须包含开头的『一句话浓缩』和结尾的『一句话浓缩』。",
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"8. 必须包含『常见的分析陷阱』和『仍不确定的部分』段落。",
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"",
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"现在开始撰写：",
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])
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return "\n".join(parts)
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# ============================================================
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# API 调用
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# ============================================================
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def call_api_sync(
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client,
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model: str,
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system_prompt: str,
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user_prompt: str,
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max_tokens: int,
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temperature: float,
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max_retries: int = 3,
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retry_delay: float = 2.0,
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) -> tuple[str, int, int]:
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"""同步调用 API；返回 (content, input_tokens, output_tokens)。带指数退避重试。"""
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last_exception = None
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for attempt in range(1, max_retries + 1):
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try:
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response = client.chat.completions.create(
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model=model,
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messages=[
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{"role": "system", "content": system_prompt},
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{"role": "user", "content": user_prompt},
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],
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max_tokens=max_tokens,
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temperature=temperature,
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)
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content = response.choices[0].message.content or ""
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input_tokens = getattr(response.usage, "prompt_tokens", 0) if response.usage else 0
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output_tokens = getattr(response.usage, "completion_tokens", 0) if response.usage else 0
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return content, input_tokens, output_tokens
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except Exception as e:
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last_exception = e
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if attempt < max_retries:
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wait = retry_delay * (2 ** (attempt - 1))
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logging.warning(f" API 调用失败（第 {attempt} 次）：{e}；{wait:.1f}s 后重试")
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time.sleep(wait)
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else:
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logging.error(f" API 调用最终失败（已尝试 {max_retries} 次）：{e}")
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raise last_exception # type: ignore
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async def call_api_async(
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client,
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model: str,
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system_prompt: str,
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user_prompt: str,
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max_tokens: int,
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temperature: float,
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max_retries: int = 3,
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retry_delay: float = 2.0,
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) -> tuple[str, int, int]:
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"""异步调用 API；带指数退避重试。"""
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last_exception = None
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for attempt in range(1, max_retries + 1):
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try:
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response = await client.chat.completions.create(
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model=model,
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messages=[
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{"role": "system", "content": system_prompt},
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{"role": "user", "content": user_prompt},
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],
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max_tokens=max_tokens,
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temperature=temperature,
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)
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content = response.choices[0].message.content or ""
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input_tokens = getattr(response.usage, "prompt_tokens", 0) if response.usage else 0
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output_tokens = getattr(response.usage, "completion_tokens", 0) if response.usage else 0
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return content, input_tokens, output_tokens
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except Exception as e:
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last_exception = e
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if attempt < max_retries:
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wait = retry_delay * (2 ** (attempt - 1))
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logging.warning(f" API 调用失败（第 {attempt} 次）：{e}；{wait:.1f}s 后重试")
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await asyncio.sleep(wait)
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else:
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logging.error(f" API 调用最终失败（已尝试 {max_retries} 次）：{e}")
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raise last_exception # type: ignore
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# ============================================================
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# 输出清理与验证
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# ============================================================
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||||
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def clean_output(content: str) -> str:
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"""剥离常见的输出包裹问题"""
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content = content.strip()
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# 剥离首尾的代码块标记
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# 例如 ```markdown\n...\n``` 或 ```\n...\n```
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lines = content.split("\n")
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if lines and lines[0].startswith("```"):
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lines = lines[1:]
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if lines and lines[-1].strip() == "```":
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lines = lines[:-1]
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content = "\n".join(lines).strip()
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# 移除常见前言（"以下是 ..."、"Here is ..."）
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# 仅当第一行不是 Markdown 标题时才考虑
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first_line = content.split("\n", 1)[0] if content else ""
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if first_line and not first_line.startswith("#"):
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prefix_patterns = [
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r"^以下是.*?[:：]\s*\n",
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r"^这里是.*?[:：]\s*\n",
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r"^Here(?: is| are).*?[:：]?\s*\n",
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r"^Below is.*?[:：]?\s*\n",
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]
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||||
for pat in prefix_patterns:
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new_content = re.sub(pat, "", content, count=1, flags=re.IGNORECASE | re.DOTALL)
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||||
if new_content != content:
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||||
content = new_content.strip()
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||||
break
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||||
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||||
return content
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||||
|
||||
|
||||
def validate_output(content: str, item: GenerationItem, master: dict) -> tuple[bool, list[str]]:
|
||||
"""基本输出验证；返回 (是否合格, 警告列表)"""
|
||||
warnings: list[str] = []
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||||
|
||||
# 1. 非空
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||||
if not content or len(content.strip()) < 500:
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||||
return False, ["输出过短或为空"]
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||||
|
||||
# 2. 字数检查（粗略）
|
||||
length_range = master["type_prompts"].get(item.type, {}).get("length_range", "")
|
||||
if length_range:
|
||||
# 例如 "8000-15000 字"
|
||||
m = re.search(r"(\d+)\s*-\s*(\d+)\s*字", length_range)
|
||||
if m:
|
||||
min_len, max_len = int(m.group(1)), int(m.group(2))
|
||||
actual = len(content)
|
||||
# 宽松一点，允许 ±20%
|
||||
if actual < min_len * 0.7:
|
||||
warnings.append(f"字数 {actual} 显著低于区间 {min_len}-{max_len}")
|
||||
elif actual > max_len * 1.3:
|
||||
warnings.append(f"字数 {actual} 显著高于区间 {min_len}-{max_len}")
|
||||
|
||||
# 3. 必含段落检查
|
||||
expected_sections = [
|
||||
("一句话浓缩", ["一句话浓缩", "一句话定位"]),
|
||||
("常见的分析陷阱", ["常见的分析陷阱", "常见陷阱", "分析陷阱"]),
|
||||
("仍不确定", ["仍不确定", "不确定的部分"]),
|
||||
("与其他文件的关系", ["与其他文件的关系", "相关文件", "关联文件"]),
|
||||
]
|
||||
for label, candidates in expected_sections:
|
||||
found = any(c in content for c in candidates)
|
||||
if not found:
|
||||
warnings.append(f"缺少段落：{label}")
|
||||
|
||||
# 4. 是否被代码块包裹（常见错误）
|
||||
if content.strip().startswith("```"):
|
||||
warnings.append("输出被代码块包裹——可能格式有误")
|
||||
|
||||
# 任何严重问题（过短）才算失败；其他都是警告
|
||||
return True, warnings
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
# ============================================================
|
||||
# 文件生成主流程
|
||||
# ============================================================
|
||||
|
||||
def process_item_sync(
|
||||
item: GenerationItem,
|
||||
client,
|
||||
args: argparse.Namespace,
|
||||
master: dict,
|
||||
reference_dir: Path,
|
||||
output_dir: Path,
|
||||
system_prompt: str,
|
||||
) -> GenerationResult:
|
||||
"""同步处理单一 item"""
|
||||
start = time.time()
|
||||
|
||||
# 检查是否已存在
|
||||
output_path = output_dir / item.path
|
||||
if output_path.exists() and not args.overwrite:
|
||||
logging.info(f" [跳过] 已存在: {item.path}")
|
||||
return GenerationResult(
|
||||
item=item,
|
||||
success=True,
|
||||
content=None,
|
||||
elapsed_seconds=0.0,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
# 组装 type prompt
|
||||
type_prompt = build_type_prompt(master, item.type)
|
||||
full_system = system_prompt + "\n\n" + type_prompt
|
||||
|
||||
# 加载风格参考
|
||||
reference_contents: list[tuple[str, str]] = []
|
||||
for ref_path in item.style_reference:
|
||||
content = load_reference_file(reference_dir, ref_path)
|
||||
if content:
|
||||
reference_contents.append((ref_path, content))
|
||||
|
||||
if not reference_contents:
|
||||
logging.warning(f" [警告] 无可用的风格参考文件: {item.id}")
|
||||
|
||||
# 组装 user prompt
|
||||
user_prompt = build_user_prompt(item, reference_contents)
|
||||
|
||||
# 调用 API
|
||||
try:
|
||||
content, in_tok, out_tok = call_api_sync(
|
||||
client=client,
|
||||
model=args.model,
|
||||
system_prompt=full_system,
|
||||
user_prompt=user_prompt,
|
||||
max_tokens=args.max_output_tokens,
|
||||
temperature=args.temperature,
|
||||
max_retries=args.max_retries,
|
||||
retry_delay=args.retry_delay,
|
||||
)
|
||||
except Exception as e:
|
||||
logging.error(f" [失败] API 调用错误: {e}")
|
||||
return GenerationResult(
|
||||
item=item,
|
||||
success=False,
|
||||
error=str(e),
|
||||
elapsed_seconds=time.time() - start,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
# 清理输出（剥离代码块、前言等）
|
||||
content = clean_output(content)
|
||||
|
||||
# 验证
|
||||
ok, warnings = validate_output(content, item, master)
|
||||
if warnings:
|
||||
for w in warnings:
|
||||
logging.warning(f" [警告] {w}")
|
||||
|
||||
if not ok:
|
||||
# 失败时也存档原始内容，方便诊断
|
||||
if content and args.save_failed:
|
||||
failed_path = output_dir / "_failed" / f"{item.id}.md"
|
||||
failed_path.parent.mkdir(parents=True, exist_ok=True)
|
||||
failed_path.write_text(content, encoding="utf-8")
|
||||
logging.info(f" 失败的内容已存到: {failed_path}")
|
||||
return GenerationResult(
|
||||
item=item,
|
||||
success=False,
|
||||
error="; ".join(warnings),
|
||||
content=content,
|
||||
elapsed_seconds=time.time() - start,
|
||||
input_tokens=in_tok,
|
||||
output_tokens=out_tok,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
# 写出文件
|
||||
output_path.parent.mkdir(parents=True, exist_ok=True)
|
||||
output_path.write_text(content, encoding="utf-8")
|
||||
|
||||
elapsed = time.time() - start
|
||||
logging.info(
|
||||
f" [成功] {item.path} "
|
||||
f"({len(content)} 字, {elapsed:.1f}s, in={in_tok}, out={out_tok})"
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
return GenerationResult(
|
||||
item=item,
|
||||
success=True,
|
||||
content=content,
|
||||
elapsed_seconds=elapsed,
|
||||
input_tokens=in_tok,
|
||||
output_tokens=out_tok,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
async def process_item_async(
|
||||
item: GenerationItem,
|
||||
client,
|
||||
args: argparse.Namespace,
|
||||
master: dict,
|
||||
reference_dir: Path,
|
||||
output_dir: Path,
|
||||
system_prompt: str,
|
||||
semaphore: asyncio.Semaphore,
|
||||
) -> GenerationResult:
|
||||
"""异步处理单一 item（用于并发模式）"""
|
||||
async with semaphore:
|
||||
start = time.time()
|
||||
|
||||
output_path = output_dir / item.path
|
||||
if output_path.exists() and not args.overwrite:
|
||||
logging.info(f" [跳过] 已存在: {item.path}")
|
||||
return GenerationResult(item=item, success=True, content=None, elapsed_seconds=0.0)
|
||||
|
||||
type_prompt = build_type_prompt(master, item.type)
|
||||
full_system = system_prompt + "\n\n" + type_prompt
|
||||
|
||||
reference_contents: list[tuple[str, str]] = []
|
||||
for ref_path in item.style_reference:
|
||||
content = load_reference_file(reference_dir, ref_path)
|
||||
if content:
|
||||
reference_contents.append((ref_path, content))
|
||||
|
||||
user_prompt = build_user_prompt(item, reference_contents)
|
||||
|
||||
try:
|
||||
content, in_tok, out_tok = await call_api_async(
|
||||
client=client,
|
||||
model=args.model,
|
||||
system_prompt=full_system,
|
||||
user_prompt=user_prompt,
|
||||
max_tokens=args.max_output_tokens,
|
||||
temperature=args.temperature,
|
||||
max_retries=args.max_retries,
|
||||
retry_delay=args.retry_delay,
|
||||
)
|
||||
except Exception as e:
|
||||
logging.error(f" [失败] {item.id}: {e}")
|
||||
return GenerationResult(
|
||||
item=item, success=False, error=str(e), elapsed_seconds=time.time() - start
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
# 清理输出
|
||||
content = clean_output(content)
|
||||
|
||||
ok, warnings = validate_output(content, item, master)
|
||||
if warnings:
|
||||
for w in warnings:
|
||||
logging.warning(f" [警告] {item.id}: {w}")
|
||||
|
||||
if not ok:
|
||||
if content and args.save_failed:
|
||||
failed_path = output_dir / "_failed" / f"{item.id}.md"
|
||||
failed_path.parent.mkdir(parents=True, exist_ok=True)
|
||||
failed_path.write_text(content, encoding="utf-8")
|
||||
logging.info(f" 失败的内容已存到: {failed_path}")
|
||||
return GenerationResult(
|
||||
item=item, success=False, error="; ".join(warnings),
|
||||
content=content, elapsed_seconds=time.time() - start,
|
||||
input_tokens=in_tok, output_tokens=out_tok,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
output_path.parent.mkdir(parents=True, exist_ok=True)
|
||||
output_path.write_text(content, encoding="utf-8")
|
||||
|
||||
elapsed = time.time() - start
|
||||
logging.info(
|
||||
f" [成功] {item.path} ({len(content)} 字, {elapsed:.1f}s)"
|
||||
)
|
||||
return GenerationResult(
|
||||
item=item, success=True, content=content,
|
||||
elapsed_seconds=elapsed, input_tokens=in_tok, output_tokens=out_tok,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
# ============================================================
|
||||
# 过滤器
|
||||
# ============================================================
|
||||
|
||||
def filter_items(items: list[GenerationItem], args: argparse.Namespace) -> list[GenerationItem]:
|
||||
"""根据 CLI 参数过滤 items"""
|
||||
filtered = items
|
||||
|
||||
if args.priority:
|
||||
filtered = [x for x in filtered if x.priority == args.priority]
|
||||
|
||||
if args.topic_group:
|
||||
# topic_group 现在是 list，支持多个（OR）
|
||||
groups = set(args.topic_group)
|
||||
filtered = [x for x in filtered if x.topic_group in groups]
|
||||
|
||||
if args.type:
|
||||
filtered = [x for x in filtered if x.type == args.type]
|
||||
|
||||
if args.ids:
|
||||
id_set = set(args.ids)
|
||||
filtered = [x for x in filtered if x.id in id_set]
|
||||
|
||||
if args.limit and args.limit > 0:
|
||||
filtered = filtered[:args.limit]
|
||||
|
||||
return filtered
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
# ============================================================
|
||||
# 主函数
|
||||
# ============================================================
|
||||
|
||||
def main():
|
||||
parser = argparse.ArgumentParser(
|
||||
description="台湾 2028 知识库批量生成工具",
|
||||
formatter_class=argparse.RawDescriptionHelpFormatter,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
# API 配置
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--api-key", required=True, help="OpenAI 格式 API 的 key")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--base-url", required=True, help="API base URL（如 https://api.openai.com/v1）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--model", required=True, help="模型名称（如 gpt-4o, deepseek-chat）")
|
||||
|
||||
# 文件路径
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--master-prompt", required=True, help="通用提示词 JSON 文件路径")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--lists", required=True, nargs="+", help="清单 JSON 文件路径（可多个）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--reference-dir", required=True, help="已写好文件的根目录（用于风格参考）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--output-dir", required=True, help="生成文件的输出根目录")
|
||||
|
||||
# 过滤
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--priority", help="只跑特定优先级（如 P1, P2, P3, P-MIL-EXT）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--topic-group", nargs="+",
|
||||
help="只跑特定议题组（可多个，OR 关系）。例如军事相关全部：--topic-group taiwan_military military_services weapon_systems operational_concepts threat_assessment")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--type", help="只跑特定类型（如 person, concept）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--ids", nargs="+", help="只跑特定 ID（可多个）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--limit", type=int, default=0, help="最多生成几个（0 表示无限制）")
|
||||
|
||||
# 控制
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--dry-run", action="store_true", help="干跑——只列出会跑的 items，不实际调用 API")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--overwrite", action="store_true", help="覆盖已存在的文件")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--concurrency", type=int, default=1, help="并发数（默认 1 顺序执行）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--max-output-tokens", type=int, default=16000, help="单次输出最大 tokens")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--temperature", type=float, default=0.7, help="模型 temperature")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--max-retries", type=int, default=3, help="API 失败时的最大重试次数")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--retry-delay", type=float, default=2.0, help="重试初始延迟（秒），指数退避")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--save-failed", action="store_true", default=True,
|
||||
help="失败的内容也存到 _failed/ 子目录方便诊断（默认开启）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--no-save-failed", dest="save_failed", action="store_false",
|
||||
help="不保存失败的内容")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--summary-file", help="把本次运行的结果汇总写到这个 JSON 文件")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--log-file", help="日志输出到文件（同时也输出到 stdout）")
|
||||
parser.add_argument("--verbose", action="store_true", help="详细日志")
|
||||
|
||||
args = parser.parse_args()
|
||||
|
||||
# 日志设置
|
||||
log_level = logging.DEBUG if args.verbose else logging.INFO
|
||||
log_handlers: list[logging.Handler] = [logging.StreamHandler(sys.stdout)]
|
||||
if args.log_file:
|
||||
log_handlers.append(logging.FileHandler(args.log_file, encoding="utf-8"))
|
||||
|
||||
logging.basicConfig(
|
||||
level=log_level,
|
||||
format="%(asctime)s [%(levelname)s] %(message)s",
|
||||
handlers=log_handlers,
|
||||
force=True,
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
# 路径
|
||||
master_path = Path(args.master_prompt)
|
||||
list_paths = [Path(p) for p in args.lists]
|
||||
reference_dir = Path(args.reference_dir)
|
||||
output_dir = Path(args.output_dir)
|
||||
|
||||
if not reference_dir.exists():
|
||||
logging.warning(f"风格参考目录不存在: {reference_dir}（脚本仍会运行，但风格参考会为空）")
|
||||
|
||||
output_dir.mkdir(parents=True, exist_ok=True)
|
||||
|
||||
# 加载 master prompt
|
||||
logging.info(f"加载通用提示词: {master_path}")
|
||||
master = load_master_prompt(master_path)
|
||||
|
||||
# 加载清单
|
||||
logging.info(f"加载清单文件: {[p.name for p in list_paths]}")
|
||||
all_items = load_list_files(list_paths)
|
||||
logging.info(f"总计 {len(all_items)} 个 items")
|
||||
|
||||
# 过滤
|
||||
items_to_run = filter_items(all_items, args)
|
||||
logging.info(f"过滤后待生成 {len(items_to_run)} 个 items")
|
||||
|
||||
# 干跑模式
|
||||
if args.dry_run:
|
||||
logging.info("=" * 60)
|
||||
logging.info("干跑模式——以下 items 将被生成:")
|
||||
logging.info("=" * 60)
|
||||
for item in items_to_run:
|
||||
output_path = output_dir / item.path
|
||||
exists = " [已存在]" if output_path.exists() else ""
|
||||
logging.info(f" [{item.priority}] {item.id} → {item.path}{exists}")
|
||||
return
|
||||
|
||||
# 构建 system prompt
|
||||
system_prompt = build_system_prompt(master)
|
||||
|
||||
# 初始化 OpenAI client
|
||||
try:
|
||||
from openai import OpenAI, AsyncOpenAI
|
||||
except ImportError:
|
||||
sys.exit("错误: 请安装 openai SDK —— pip install openai")
|
||||
|
||||
# 顺序执行
|
||||
if args.concurrency <= 1:
|
||||
client = OpenAI(api_key=args.api_key, base_url=args.base_url)
|
||||
results: list[GenerationResult] = []
|
||||
for idx, item in enumerate(items_to_run, 1):
|
||||
logging.info(f"[{idx}/{len(items_to_run)}] 处理: {item.id} ({item.name})")
|
||||
result = process_item_sync(
|
||||
item=item,
|
||||
client=client,
|
||||
args=args,
|
||||
master=master,
|
||||
reference_dir=reference_dir,
|
||||
output_dir=output_dir,
|
||||
system_prompt=system_prompt,
|
||||
)
|
||||
results.append(result)
|
||||
|
||||
# 并发执行
|
||||
else:
|
||||
async_client = AsyncOpenAI(api_key=args.api_key, base_url=args.base_url)
|
||||
semaphore = asyncio.Semaphore(args.concurrency)
|
||||
|
||||
async def run_all():
|
||||
tasks = [
|
||||
process_item_async(
|
||||
item=item,
|
||||
client=async_client,
|
||||
args=args,
|
||||
master=master,
|
||||
reference_dir=reference_dir,
|
||||
output_dir=output_dir,
|
||||
system_prompt=system_prompt,
|
||||
semaphore=semaphore,
|
||||
)
|
||||
for item in items_to_run
|
||||
]
|
||||
return await asyncio.gather(*tasks, return_exceptions=False)
|
||||
|
||||
logging.info(f"并发模式：并发数 {args.concurrency}")
|
||||
results = asyncio.run(run_all())
|
||||
|
||||
# 汇总
|
||||
succeeded = [r for r in results if r.success]
|
||||
failed = [r for r in results if not r.success]
|
||||
total_input = sum(r.input_tokens for r in results)
|
||||
total_output = sum(r.output_tokens for r in results)
|
||||
total_time = sum(r.elapsed_seconds for r in results)
|
||||
|
||||
logging.info("=" * 60)
|
||||
logging.info(f"完成: 总计 {len(results)} | 成功 {len(succeeded)} | 失败 {len(failed)}")
|
||||
logging.info(f"总耗时: {total_time:.1f}s ({total_time / 60:.1f} 分钟)")
|
||||
logging.info(f"Tokens: input {total_input:,} | output {total_output:,}")
|
||||
|
||||
if failed:
|
||||
logging.info("失败列表:")
|
||||
for r in failed:
|
||||
logging.info(f" - {r.item.id} ({r.item.path}): {r.error}")
|
||||
|
||||
logging.info("=" * 60)
|
||||
|
||||
# 写汇总 JSON
|
||||
if args.summary_file:
|
||||
summary = {
|
||||
"run_at": time.strftime("%Y-%m-%d %H:%M:%S"),
|
||||
"model": args.model,
|
||||
"base_url": args.base_url,
|
||||
"total": len(results),
|
||||
"succeeded": len(succeeded),
|
||||
"failed": len(failed),
|
||||
"total_elapsed_seconds": total_time,
|
||||
"total_input_tokens": total_input,
|
||||
"total_output_tokens": total_output,
|
||||
"items": [
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": r.item.id,
|
||||
"path": r.item.path,
|
||||
"name": r.item.name,
|
||||
"success": r.success,
|
||||
"error": r.error,
|
||||
"elapsed_seconds": round(r.elapsed_seconds, 2),
|
||||
"input_tokens": r.input_tokens,
|
||||
"output_tokens": r.output_tokens,
|
||||
"content_length": len(r.content) if r.content else 0,
|
||||
}
|
||||
for r in results
|
||||
],
|
||||
"failed_ids": [r.item.id for r in failed],
|
||||
}
|
||||
summary_path = Path(args.summary_file)
|
||||
summary_path.parent.mkdir(parents=True, exist_ok=True)
|
||||
summary_path.write_text(
|
||||
json.dumps(summary, ensure_ascii=False, indent=2),
|
||||
encoding="utf-8",
|
||||
)
|
||||
logging.info(f"汇总已写到: {summary_path}")
|
||||
|
||||
if failed:
|
||||
logging.info(
|
||||
f"提示：重跑失败的 items，用 --ids {' '.join(r.item.id for r in failed[:5])}..."
|
||||
)
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
if __name__ == "__main__":
|
||||
main()
|
||||
@@ -0,0 +1,994 @@
|
||||
{
|
||||
"version": "1.0",
|
||||
"last_updated": "2026-05-11",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"total_items": 30,
|
||||
"description": "P1 必要清单——按议题分组：台湾军事 / 台湾两岸政治 / 台湾国内政治 / 台美关系 / 台日关系。地区权重：台 > 美 > 日。所有条目引用 prompts_master.json 的通用 + 类型提示词。",
|
||||
|
||||
"topic_groups": {
|
||||
"taiwan_military": "台湾军事——台湾自己的国防体系、兵役、不对称作战、军事人物与机构（不含北京侧军事行动）",
|
||||
"taiwan_cross_strait_politics": "台湾两岸政治——台湾内部讨论两岸的机构、人物、论述（不含北京侧）",
|
||||
"taiwan_domestic_politics": "台湾国内政治——选举工具、立法院攻防、罢免运动、内政议题",
|
||||
"taiwan_us_relations": "台美关系——台方对美的角色、机构、人物",
|
||||
"taiwan_japan_relations": "台日关系——日方关键人物、机构、论述 + 双边议题"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"items": [
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/wellington_koo.md",
|
||||
"name": "顾立雄（国防部长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "现任国防部长（2024.05- ），文人出身、律师背景、改革派代表。是赖政府国防改革的核心执行者，也是台湾国防文人领军象征的具体案例。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"律师 / 文人出身对国防体系的特殊角色——『文人领军』的象征意义",
|
||||
"蔡时期国安会秘书长任内积累的国安经验",
|
||||
"国防改革推动：兵役延长、不对称作战、全民防卫",
|
||||
"与军方传统派的张力——文人对接军方的特殊挑战",
|
||||
"与美方的军事合作角色——豪猪战略推动的台方对口",
|
||||
"与赖清德的关系——是否核心圈成员",
|
||||
"在 2028 国防议题的潜在影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略的台方推动者",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "赖政府团队核心",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "对台军售的台方对口",
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md": "其任内的军事压力背景"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『文人领军』的政治意义——不只是个人特征，是台湾国防体系的转型；2) 律师背景对其决策风格的影响（法律思维 vs 军事思维）；3) 避免过度评价其改革成败——任期仍在进行；4) 注意他与军方将领的关系动态——这是国防改革的实际阻力点"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/mnd.md",
|
||||
"name": "国防部",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "中华民国国防部——台湾军事政策的核心执行机构。理解其内部结构、军种利益、决策机制是分析国防议题的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"国防部的组织结构（部长、副部长、各军种司令部、参谋本部）",
|
||||
"三军（陆、海、空）的利益分配与张力",
|
||||
"文人 vs 军人的内部张力——历史与当代",
|
||||
"与总统府、国安会的关系——决策链",
|
||||
"国防预算的分配与历年变化",
|
||||
"国防改革的当代议题（兵役、不对称作战、全民防卫）",
|
||||
"与美国国防部的合作管道",
|
||||
"对外公开发言机制（发言人系统、定期记者会）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md": "现任部长",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略的执行机构",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "军售的台方接收方",
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md": "应对北京军事压力的核心机构",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/nsc_taiwan.md": "决策协调对口"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调机构内部的『多核心』结构——不是单一行动者，三军有各自利益；2) 文人 vs 军人张力是当代议题；3) 不要把国防部当『黑箱』——拆解其决策机制；4) 避免技术细节过深（装备规格等），聚焦『政治 / 政策 / 治理』层"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-ORG-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/nsc_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "国家安全会议（国安会）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "总统府下的国家安全会议——台湾对外、国防、两岸战略的最高协调机构。理解其角色是分析台湾安全政策决策的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"国安会的法律地位与组织（秘书长、副秘书长、咨询委员）",
|
||||
"与总统的关系——直属总统、协调跨部会",
|
||||
"与国防部、外交部、陆委会的关系——是协调中枢",
|
||||
"历任国安会秘书长的角色对比（蔡时期 vs 赖时期）",
|
||||
"当代国安会秘书长（吴钊燮等）的实际权力",
|
||||
"重大决策中的国安会角色（如军售、两岸危机、外交事件）",
|
||||
"对外不公开运作但实质影响巨大——透明度问题"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "国安会直属总统",
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md": "前国安会秘书长",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "决策协调对口",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md": "两岸事务协调对口",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "外交事务协调对口"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调国安会的『协调中枢』角色——不是执行机构；2) 历任秘书长背景多元（外交、军方、学者）——影响国安会风格；3) 透明度有限——分析常需推论；4) 避免把『国安会』等同于秘书长个人"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-EVENT-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/key_events/event_conscription_extension_2022.md",
|
||||
"name": "兵役延长决定（2022.12 决定 + 2024.01 实施）",
|
||||
"type": "event",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "2022 年 12 月蔡英文宣布将义务役从 4 个月延长到 1 年，2024 年 1 月起实施。这是台湾国防改革的关键事件，也是豪猪战略的人力配套。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_anti_secession_law_2005.md",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"决定的具体内容（义务役期限、训练内容、薪资等）",
|
||||
"决定的背景——俄乌战争、北京军事压力、美方期待",
|
||||
"国内政治反应（DPP、KMT、TPP、年轻世代）",
|
||||
"实施的具体进程与挑战",
|
||||
"与豪猪战略的连结——人力配套的关键",
|
||||
"对台湾内部政治的影响（年轻世代、家长、教育界）",
|
||||
"对北京 / 美方反应的影响",
|
||||
"作为『国防改革标志事件』的长期意义"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略的人力配套",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "决定者",
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md": "实施者",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "实施机构",
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md": "脉络背景"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调此事件的『改革标志』意义——不只是政策调整；2) 包含俄乌战争的影响——这是关键脉络；3) 多视角呈现年轻世代的态度（不是单一立场）；4) 实施的现实挑战要诚实——训练、薪资、装备等"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/all_out_defense_discourse.md",
|
||||
"name": "全民防卫论述",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾近年兴起的『全民防卫』论述——主张国防不只是军队的事，全民都应参与。是豪猪战略的社会基础，也是当代台湾安全意识转变的标志。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"全民防卫论述的核心命题",
|
||||
"论述的源起——乌克兰战争影响、北京军事压力累积",
|
||||
"推动者——黑熊学院等民间团体、政府相关单位",
|
||||
"民间防卫培训的兴起（黑熊学院等）",
|
||||
"论述的支持者与质疑者分布",
|
||||
"与兵役延长、不对称作战的连结",
|
||||
"国际比较——乌克兰、以色列、瑞士等",
|
||||
"在 2028 选战中的可能角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略的社会基础",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_conscription_extension_2022.md": "兵役延长的论述背景",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "政府推动",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md": "与疑美论的复杂关系（自卫 vs 等待美方）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 包括民间团体如黑熊学院的具体角色；2) 不要把全民防卫等同于『准战时』——多数论述是『防卫意识』；3) 注意年轻世代对此的复杂态度（支持理念 vs 抗拒义务）；4) 与疑美论的关系——可能强化（自卫第一）也可能弱化（仍需美方）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/indigenous_defense_industry.md",
|
||||
"name": "国机国造与国防自主论述",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾推动『国机国造』、『潜舰国造』等国防自主项目的政策论述。是政治、产业、军事的交叉议题，涉及与美方军售的复杂关系。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"核心论述——为何要国防自主",
|
||||
"主要项目：潜舰国造（IDS）、勇鹰高教机、各类无人机等",
|
||||
"推动机构（中山科学研究院、国家中山科学研究院）",
|
||||
"与美方军售的关系——是否互补还是竞争",
|
||||
"产业政策维度——国防产业作为经济议题",
|
||||
"争议——成本、效率、技术挑战",
|
||||
"在 KMT / TPP 中的不同诠释",
|
||||
"在 2028 选战中的可能角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略与国防自主的复杂关系",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "美方军售与国防自主的张力",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "推动机构",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "类似的『科技自主』议题"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多视角呈现——这是有争议的议题；2) 包括成本超支、技术挑战的客观事实；3) 注意与美方军售的『互补 vs 竞争』张力；4) 避免选边——既不要『国造一定好』也不要『国造一定失败』"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-NARRATIVE-03",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md",
|
||||
"name": "军种利益与豪猪战略的内部张力",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾陆、海、空三军在豪猪战略推动下的内部张力——豪猪战略偏向陆军不对称武器，让海空军（尤其传统平台爱好者）有抵抗。这是国防改革的实质阻力。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"三军的传统利益分配模式",
|
||||
"豪猪战略对三军利益的不同影响",
|
||||
"海军的『传统平台 vs 不对称武器』张力（潜舰、护卫舰等 vs 反舰飞弹）",
|
||||
"空军的类似张力（先进战机 vs 防空飞弹）",
|
||||
"陆军的相对受惠位置",
|
||||
"国防部如何协调三军",
|
||||
"美方如何介入此张力（推动豪猪 = 间接压制传统军种）",
|
||||
"这种张力对国防改革实施速度的影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略的内部抵抗源",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "协调机构",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "军售品项反映此张力"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调三军利益是结构性的——不是个人偏好；2) 多视角呈现——传统平台派有合理论据（『正常国家需完整军备』）；3) 避免简单的『豪猪 vs 传统』二分——实际是混合路线；4) 包括美方推动豪猪战略的『压制传统军种』效应"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-MIL-NARRATIVE-04",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md",
|
||||
"name": "认知作战与国防的连结",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "认知作战（cognitive warfare）作为当代台湾国防议题的一部分——超越传统军事，涉及讯息、心理、社会韧性。是『灰色地带』作战的核心。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"认知作战的定义与范围（资讯战、心理战、舆论战）",
|
||||
"北京涉及的具体形式——假讯息、社群操作、政治宣传",
|
||||
"台湾政府的对应机制（数位发展部、国安局等）",
|
||||
"民间防御能力（事实查核组织、公民团体）",
|
||||
"与传统军事的关系——『灰色地带』的扩展",
|
||||
"国际比较——乌克兰经验、欧洲反虚假信息",
|
||||
"在选举周期中的特殊强度",
|
||||
"争议——『认知作战』标签的过度使用问题"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md": "疑美论是认知作战的重要议题",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/cognitive_warfare.md": "概念档案（占位，待写）",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/coordinated_inauthentic_behavior.md": "CIB 概念（占位，待写）",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "国防部相关角色",
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "媒体生态的相关议题"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 避免过度使用『认知作战』标签——这是当代分析的常见陷阱；2) 区分『真正的协调操作』vs『立场分歧』；3) 多视角——政府视角 vs 反对派视角 vs 学界视角；4) 包括台湾事实查核组织的具体角色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-CSPOL-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "陆委会（行政院大陆委员会）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "行政院大陆委员会——台湾政府处理两岸事务的主管机关。理解其角色、当代功能、与北京对口的（不）互动模式是分析两岸事务的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"陆委会的法律地位与组织（主委、副主委、各处室）",
|
||||
"与海基会的分工——陆委会是『政策制定』，海基会是『事务执行』",
|
||||
"与北京国台办的『准对口』关系——形式 vs 实质",
|
||||
"马时期与蔡赖时期的角色差异（合作 vs 冷对抗）",
|
||||
"陆委会主委的政治分量（部会层级、政治可见度）",
|
||||
"重要议题处理（两岸交流、ECFA、惩处台独司法解释等）",
|
||||
"对内沟通角色——向台湾民众解释两岸事务",
|
||||
"当代陆委会主委（邱垂正等）的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/sef_taiwan.md": "执行机构",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md": "ECFA 主管机关",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md": "两岸现状的政策机构",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/taiwan_affairs_office.md": "北京对口（占位）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分『陆委会』与『海基会』的功能不同——常被混淆；2) 注意当代两岸沟通管道几乎封闭，陆委会的角色已变化；3) 不要把陆委会当『单一行动者』——内部有不同立场；4) 主委层级是部会级——不是『国务卿级』"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-CSPOL-ORG-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/sef_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "海基会（海峡交流基金会）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "海峡交流基金会——台湾官方授权处理两岸事务的『准政府』机构。形式上是民间组织，实质上是政府执行机构。理解其『法律拟制』性质是分析两岸事务的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"海基会的法律性质——『民间组织』形式 vs『政府授权』实质",
|
||||
"与陆委会的关系——『政策 vs 执行』分工",
|
||||
"与北京海协会的『对口』关系——形式 vs 实质",
|
||||
"马时期的高峰（江陈会等大量协议签订）",
|
||||
"蔡赖时期的运作低潮——多数管道关闭",
|
||||
"当代海基会的实质角色（事务性事项）",
|
||||
"九二共识的『海基会身份』——历史角色",
|
||||
"类似机构的国际比较（AIT 模式）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md": "上级政策机构",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md": "类似的法律拟制模式（参照）",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/92_consensus_evolution.md": "九二共识的海基会起源（占位）",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md": "ECFA 签订的执行机构",
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md": "马时期的高峰执行者"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『法律拟制』性质——与 AIT 模式类比；2) 当代海基会几乎『冷冻』——但仍存在；3) 注意九二共识与海基会的历史连结——这是 1992 年的产物；4) 不要把海基会当『主动机构』——它是『被授权』机构"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-CSPOL-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/cho_jung_tai.md",
|
||||
"name": "卓荣泰（行政院长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "现任行政院长（2024.05-），DPP 资深政治人物、非新潮流派系、赖政府的『派系平衡』象征。理解其角色是分析赖政府内政与两岸事务执行的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"进入政治的轨迹（立委、党秘书长、行政院发言人等）",
|
||||
"非新潮流的派系位置——党内『正国会』或独立",
|
||||
"在 DPP 党内的协调者角色",
|
||||
"行政院长的实质职能（不只是『二把手』）",
|
||||
"与赖清德的关系——『派系平衡』选择",
|
||||
"重大议题的处理（国会改革、能源、经济等）",
|
||||
"两岸事务的协调角色",
|
||||
"在 2028 党内的潜在角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "总统",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md": "派系定位",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "DPP 内部位置",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md": "两岸事务协调"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『派系平衡』的选择逻辑——卓不是新潮流核心；2) 行政院长是『内政与执行』主导，不是『政策制定』总指挥；3) 避免简化为『赖的下属』——卓有独立政治资本；4) 注意他的资深 DPP 元老身份——影响党内动员"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-CSPOL-PERSON-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/chiu_chui_cheng.md",
|
||||
"name": "邱垂正（陆委会主委）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "现任陆委会主委（2024.05-），学者出身、长期处理两岸事务、相对温和立场。是赖政府两岸政策的具体执行者，也是『学者主政』的当代案例。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"学者背景（两岸研究、政治学）",
|
||||
"进入政府的轨迹",
|
||||
"在赖政府中的实际角色与权力",
|
||||
"两岸路线立场——温和派 vs 鹰派的定位",
|
||||
"处理具体议题的方式（如惩处台独司法解释、ECFA 调整等）",
|
||||
"公开发言的措辞特征",
|
||||
"与赖、卓的关系",
|
||||
"在两岸议题的特殊位置——学者 vs 政治家"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md": "其主管机构",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/people/cho_jung_tai.md": "上级（行政院长）",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md": "其执行的政策立场",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md": "其处理的具体议题"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调学者背景对其风格的影响；2) 注意陆委会主委层级有限——影响力不如总统府或行政院；3) 避免预测其政治未来——其位置较『技术官僚』；4) 注意其相对低调的公开风格"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-CSPOL-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/cross_strait/cross_strait_exchanges_current.md",
|
||||
"name": "两岸交流的当代实务",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "当代两岸交流的实务面貌——观光、学位互认、医疗、商业、文化等领域的具体运作。理解『正式管道关闭』vs『实务交流仍部分存在』的张力是关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"观光（陆客来台 vs 国人赴陆）的当代状况",
|
||||
"学位互认（陆生来台 vs 国人赴陆求学）",
|
||||
"医疗合作的当代状态",
|
||||
"小三通的运作（金马连接两岸）",
|
||||
"商业与投资的当代规则",
|
||||
"文化、宗教交流的特殊性",
|
||||
"DPP 政府的立场——『有限交流 + 风险管理』",
|
||||
"在选战中的论述使用（KMT 推动 vs DPP 谨慎）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md": "经贸交流的特殊维度",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md": "主管机关",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/sef_taiwan.md": "执行机关（已弱化）",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md": "现状的实务表现"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『正式 vs 实务』的差异——形式上冷对抗，实质上仍有交流；2) 多视角——KMT 倾向扩大交流，DPP 谨慎管控；3) 注意北京利用『让利』作为政治工具；4) 避免简化为『交流好』或『交流坏』"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-CSPOL-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/cross_strait/taiwan_normalization_discourse.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾国家正常化论述",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "『台湾国家正常化』论述——主张让台湾在国号、国旗、宪法、国际地位等层面成为『正常国家』。是台独路线的『渐进版本』，也是当代两岸最敏感议题之一。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"论述的核心命题——『台湾应成为正常国家』",
|
||||
"论述的源流——独派传统、李登辉路线、当代演变",
|
||||
"推动者——独立运动团体、部分 DPP 政治人物",
|
||||
"具体诉求（国号、国旗、国歌、宪法、护照、国际参与等）",
|
||||
"DPP 主流 vs 独派的内部张力",
|
||||
"渐进式推动 vs 激进式推动",
|
||||
"北京的回应——视为『法理台独』的步骤",
|
||||
"美方的态度——警惕『单方面改变现状』",
|
||||
"在 2028 选战中的可能角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md": "现状偏移的论述基础",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "曾自称『务实台独工作者』",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md": "独派与主流的张力",
|
||||
"narratives/china_side/one_country_two_systems_taiwan_version.md": "北京视角的对立"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分『独立宣告』vs『国家正常化』——后者是渐进式；2) 多视角——支持者、反对者、北京、美方都有立场；3) 注意 DPP 内部的张力——主流不主动推动，独派希望推动；4) 避免选边——这是政治敏感议题"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-DOM-EVENT-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/key_events/event_recall_movements_2024_25.md",
|
||||
"name": "大罢免运动（2024-2025）",
|
||||
"type": "event",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "2024 年起的大规模罢免运动——多数针对 KMT 立委，是 2024 后台湾政治分裂的产物。理解此事件是分析当代立法院结构、蓝白合关系、2028 选战起点的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_sunflower_2014.md",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"罢免运动的起因——国会改革法案争议、立法院攻防",
|
||||
"主要发动者——公民团体、绿营支持者",
|
||||
"目标对象——多为 KMT、部分 TPP 立委",
|
||||
"罢免规则与门槛（公职人员选举罢免法）",
|
||||
"进展与结果（持续演变中）",
|
||||
"对立法院结构的潜在影响（席次变化）",
|
||||
"对 2028 选战起点的影响",
|
||||
"对蓝白合关系的影响",
|
||||
"多视角——绿营『公民运动』vs 蓝营『政治追杀』"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_legislative_reform_controversy_2024.md": "起因（占位）",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "主要受影响者",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "次要受影响者",
|
||||
"entities/people/huang_kuo_chang.md": "立法院攻防核心",
|
||||
"entities/people/eric_chu.md": "KMT 应对者"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 此事件仍在演变中——必须明示『未完结』；2) 多视角呈现——发起方与被罢免方都有论据；3) 注意此事件对 2028 立委选举的影响；4) 避免预测最终结果——保留分析空间"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-DOM-EVENT-02",
|
||||
"path": "events/key_events/event_legislative_reform_controversy_2024.md",
|
||||
"name": "国会改革法案争议（2024）",
|
||||
"type": "event",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "2024 年蓝白阵营推动的国会改革法案——扩大立法院调查权、强化国情报告等。引发宪政争议、大规模抗议、宪法法庭判决。是当代台湾宪政关系最紧张的事件。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_sunflower_2014.md",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_anti_secession_law_2005.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"法案的具体内容（藐视国会罪、调查权、国情报告等）",
|
||||
"推动者——KMT + TPP 立法院联盟",
|
||||
"反对者——DPP 政府、部分公民团体",
|
||||
"公民运动反应（青鸟运动、立法院外抗议）",
|
||||
"宪法法庭判决与后续",
|
||||
"对宪政关系的长期影响——总统 vs 立法院",
|
||||
"对 2028 选战的影响",
|
||||
"多视角——推动方认为『恢复权力』vs 反对方认为『权力扩张』"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_recall_movements_2024_25.md": "后续影响",
|
||||
"entities/people/huang_kuo_chang.md": "主要推动者",
|
||||
"entities/people/eric_chu.md": "KMT 主席角色",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "主要推动方",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "次要推动方",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "总统反应"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调宪政意义——这不只是法案争议，是宪政关系问题；2) 多视角呈现——双方都有正当性论据；3) 包括宪法法庭判决的具体内容；4) 避免简化为『蓝白联盟 vs DPP』——内部立场更复杂"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-DOM-EVENT-03",
|
||||
"path": "events/key_events/event_blue_white_collaboration_failure_2023.md",
|
||||
"name": "蓝白合协商破局（2023.10-11）",
|
||||
"type": "event",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "2023 年 10-11 月 KMT 与 TPP 关于 2024 总统选战的『蓝白合』协商破局——多次协商但最终未达成共识，导致三脚督结构。理解此事件是分析 2028 蓝白合可能性的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_tsai_mccarthy_meeting_2023.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"协商时间线（10 月起多轮、11.15 公开协议、11.23 破局）",
|
||||
"关键人物——朱立伦、侯友宜、柯文哲、马英九（调人角色）",
|
||||
"协商的具体方案（民调比例、谁正谁副等）",
|
||||
"破局的具体原因（多种诠释）",
|
||||
"破局后的后续——三脚督选战",
|
||||
"对 2024 选战结果的影响",
|
||||
"对 2028 蓝白合可能性的『先例』作用",
|
||||
"多视角——KMT 视角 vs TPP 视角 vs 中性观察"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/eric_chu.md": "KMT 协商主导",
|
||||
"entities/people/ko_wen_je.md": "TPP 协商主导",
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md": "调人角色",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "KMT 立场",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "TPP 立场",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_recall_movements_2024_25.md": "后续政治效应"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多视角呈现责任归属——双方都有论据；2) 注意协商方案的具体细节（民调方法等）；3) 避免选边——这是政治协商失败，不是单方错误；4) 强调对 2028 的『先例』意义"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-DOM-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/legislative_yuan.md",
|
||||
"name": "立法院（当代结构与攻防）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "立法院——台湾立法机构。2024 后无单一过半（DPP 51、KMT 52、TPP 8、无党 2），形成『关键平衡』结构。是当代政治攻防的核心舞台。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"立法院的法律地位与组织（院长、副院长、各委员会）",
|
||||
"当代席次结构（2024 后）",
|
||||
"院长的角色（韩国瑜，KMT）",
|
||||
"党团（DPP、KMT、TPP）的运作",
|
||||
"委员会结构与重要委员会",
|
||||
"立法程序——表决、协商、冷冻期",
|
||||
"重大议题攻防（国会改革、罢免、预算等）",
|
||||
"与行政权的张力（总统、行政院）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/huang_kuo_chang.md": "TPP 党团总召",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "第一大党",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "第二大党",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "关键平衡",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_legislative_reform_controversy_2024.md": "攻防核心事件",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_recall_movements_2024_25.md": "席次变化压力"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『关键平衡』结构——无单一过半；2) 韩国瑜担任院长的特殊性；3) 不要简化为『蓝白联盟 vs DPP』——内部协商复杂；4) 注意与美国国会的差异（议会制 vs 半总统制）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-DOM-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/energy_transition_discourse.md",
|
||||
"name": "能源转型与缺电议题论述",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾能源转型论述——非核家园、绿能扩展、缺电议题。是当代台湾内政核心议题之一，也是 DPP 长期执政的挑战之一。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"能源转型政策框架（非核家园、绿能、减碳）",
|
||||
"进度与挑战（绿能建设落后、缺电压力）",
|
||||
"缺电议题——多次跳电与政治影响",
|
||||
"DPP 立场——能源转型理想",
|
||||
"KMT 立场——核电延役 / 重启",
|
||||
"TPP 立场——务实多元",
|
||||
"产业界的关切（半导体业的高耗电）",
|
||||
"在 2028 选战中的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "现任处理者",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "政策奠基者",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "推动方",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "反对方",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "半导体业的能源需求"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多视角呈现各党立场；2) 客观呈现绿能建设的实际进度；3) 注意缺电议题的政治化倾向；4) 避免选边——核电议题有合理多方论据"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-DOM-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/housing_justice_discourse.md",
|
||||
"name": "居住正义议题论述",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾居住正义论述——房价、租金、社会住宅、年轻世代『买不起房』。是当代台湾内政最尖锐议题之一，也是 DPP 长期执政的弱点。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"居住议题的事实层（房价上涨、年轻世代负担）",
|
||||
"DPP 政府的政策（社会住宅、囤房税、租屋补贴）",
|
||||
"成效与争议",
|
||||
"KMT、TPP 的批评与替代方案",
|
||||
"年轻世代的具体不满",
|
||||
"与人口、生育议题的连结",
|
||||
"在 2024 大选中的角色（DPP 失分）",
|
||||
"在 2028 选战中的可能角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "现任处理者",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "执政方",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "年轻选民议题",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "批评方"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 客观呈现房价上涨的事实；2) 多视角——政府政策有进展但有限；3) 注意此议题与年轻世代政治倾向的连动；4) 避免技术细节过多（房价数据等）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-USA-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "外交部（台湾）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "中华民国外交部——台湾对外关系的主管机关。在『非邦交国为主』的特殊外交环境下，扮演与传统外交部不同的角色。理解其结构与当代角色是分析台湾国际关系的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"外交部的法律地位与组织",
|
||||
"『邦交国 vs 非邦交国』的双轨外交",
|
||||
"驻外机构（大使馆 vs 代表处）",
|
||||
"当代外长——林佳龙",
|
||||
"重要议题处理（国际参与、邦交维持、新南向等）",
|
||||
"与 AIT 的对口关系",
|
||||
"与日本、欧洲等的关系建立",
|
||||
"在当代国际能见度提升中的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md": "美方对口",
|
||||
"entities/people/lin_chia_lung.md": "现任外长（占位）",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/tecro.md": "驻美机构",
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md": "前驻美代表",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "上级"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调台湾外交的『特殊性』——非邦交国为主；2) 区分『邦交』vs『实质关系』；3) 注意外交部在当代国际能见度提升中的具体角色；4) 不要把驻外代表处当『大使馆的二等版』——这是不同制度"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-USA-ORG-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/tecro.md",
|
||||
"name": "TECRO（驻美国台北经济文化代表处）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾驻美国的『准大使馆』机构——形式上为民间组织，实质上是台美外交的台方对口。理解其『法律拟制』性质与 AIT 模式相通。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"TECRO 的法律地位与组织",
|
||||
"与 AIT 的『对等不对称』关系（详见 AIT 档案）",
|
||||
"驻外代表（萧美琴、俞大㵢等历任）的角色",
|
||||
"在华盛顿的实际外交活动",
|
||||
"与美国国会、智库、政府的接触管道",
|
||||
"重大事件中的角色（军售协商、危机沟通）",
|
||||
"其他驻美分处（旧金山、洛杉矶、纽约等）",
|
||||
"与川普 2.0 时期的运作"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md": "对口机构",
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md": "前任代表（关键人物）",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "主管机关",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md": "互动对口",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/trump_taiwan_uncertainty.md": "当代环境"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『法律拟制』——与 AIT 模式相通；2) 萧美琴任内的特殊角色——已在萧档案处理，本档案聚焦机构层；3) 注意其在美国政治生态中的角色（智库、国会、媒体）；4) 不要把 TECRO 当『大使馆』，但要承认其实质角色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-USA-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/lin_chia_lung.md",
|
||||
"name": "林佳龙（外交部长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "现任外交部长（2024.05- ），DPP 正国会派系代表、政治资深、台中市长出身——但在 2018 输给卢秀燕。理解其角色是分析赖政府外交决策与派系平衡的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"学者背景（耶鲁博士）",
|
||||
"政治轨迹——立委、台中市长、交通部长、外长",
|
||||
"派系基础——正国会的代表",
|
||||
"与新潮流的关系（合作但有距离）",
|
||||
"外交风格——『国际化』与『学者型』",
|
||||
"对美关系中的角色",
|
||||
"对日关系——与日本政界有深厚关系",
|
||||
"在 2028 党内的潜在角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md": "正国会派系",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "其主管机关",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md": "外交政策协调",
|
||||
"entities/people/lu_shiow_yen.md": "曾在台中市长选战中击败林"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调正国会派系的代表性——影响 DPP 派系平衡；2) 学者背景影响其外交风格；3) 与日本的特殊关系——日台关系的重要管道；4) 避免预测其 2028 角色——目前不明示"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-USA-PERSON-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/joseph_wu.md",
|
||||
"name": "吴钊燮（国安会秘书长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "现任国安会秘书长（2024.05-），长期处理对美外交、前外交部长（蔡时期）、对美管道核心人物之一。理解其角色是分析台美关系深层运作的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"学者背景（政治大学）",
|
||||
"长期对美外交经验",
|
||||
"蔡时期外长任内的高峰（多次外交突破）",
|
||||
"与美方关键人物的关系网络",
|
||||
"转任国安会秘书长的政治含义",
|
||||
"在赖政府中的实际权力",
|
||||
"对美决策的协调角色",
|
||||
"与萧美琴的『分工』"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/nsc_taiwan.md": "其主管机构",
|
||||
"entities/people/hsiao_bi_khim.md": "对美协调",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "前任合作",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md": "美方对口"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调长期对美外交的累积经验；2) 国安会秘书长不公开但实质重要——分析其角色需推论；3) 与萧美琴的『双轨对美』关系——分工协作；4) 避免把对美关系简化为单一人物"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-USA-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/us_taiwan/us_taiwan_back_channels.md",
|
||||
"name": "台美第二轨道沟通管道",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "台美在『AIT - TECRO 官方管道』之外的『第二轨道』——智库、退休官员、学者、议员个人管道。是台美关系的『隐性基础』，也是当代政策沟通的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/key_us_taiwan_scholars.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"『第二轨道』的定义与运作机制",
|
||||
"主要参与者——智库（CSIS、Brookings 等）、退休官员、学者",
|
||||
"具体活动——闭门会议、私下访问、学术合作",
|
||||
"台方参与者——驻美机构、外交部、退休官员",
|
||||
"美方参与者——智库学者、退休国安官员",
|
||||
"重要时刻的『第二轨道』作用（如危机时的沟通缓冲）",
|
||||
"与官方管道的分工（互补 vs 替代）",
|
||||
"在川普 2.0 时期的特殊角色（白宫不确定时第二轨道更重要）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/csis.md": "主要参与智库",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/key_us_taiwan_scholars.md": "学者参与",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md": "官方管道（对照）",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/tecro.md": "台方协调",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/trump_taiwan_uncertainty.md": "川普时期的特殊重要性"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『隐性基础』——这是不公开但实质重要的管道；2) 智库的具体角色——已在 CSIS 等档案处理；3) 注意川普 2.0 时期第二轨道的『缓冲』作用；4) 避免过度神秘化——这是国际外交的常态"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-JPN-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md",
|
||||
"name": "『台湾有事即日本有事』论述",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "安倍晋三 2021 年提出的论述——『台湾有事即日本有事，即日美同盟有事』。是当代日本对台立场的核心论述，也改变了日台关系的政治脉络。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"论述的源起——安倍 2021.12 论坛发言",
|
||||
"论述的核心命题——日本安全与台海的连动",
|
||||
"推动者——安倍、自民党亲台派、保守派论者",
|
||||
"论述的具体涵义（不等同军事介入承诺）",
|
||||
"日本政府的官方立场（接近但保留弹性）",
|
||||
"在自民党内的接受度",
|
||||
"在野党（立宪民主党等）的立场",
|
||||
"北京的强烈反应",
|
||||
"对台湾内部论述的影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/shinzo_abe_legacy.md": "论述的推动者（占位）",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md": "自民党亲台派（占位）",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md": "类似的『承诺论述』",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md": "论述强化的脉络（飞弹落入日本经济专属区）",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md": "战略模糊的相关概念"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调安倍的关键角色——但要明示『安倍已故』；2) 区分『论述』vs『官方政策』——日本政府官方立场较保留；3) 多视角——支持者、反对者、北京立场；4) 避免简化为『日本会军事介入』——论述本身有模糊性"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-JPN-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/shinzo_abe_legacy.md",
|
||||
"name": "安倍晋三的对台遗产",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "已故日本前首相安倍晋三——是当代日台关系最关键的推动者。即使去世后，其『遗产』仍持续影响日台关系。本档案聚焦其对台立场与持续影响。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/donald_trump.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"安倍的对台立场轨迹——首相任内 vs 卸任后",
|
||||
"首相任内的对台政策（相对温和）",
|
||||
"卸任后的『亲台高调』——访台、公开发言",
|
||||
"『台湾有事即日本有事』论述的推动",
|
||||
"与蔡英文等台湾领导人的关系",
|
||||
"2022.07 遭刺杀的后续影响",
|
||||
"安倍派（自民党最大派系，已弱化）的对台立场",
|
||||
"其『遗产』在当代日台关系的延续"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "其推动的核心论述",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md": "其建构的政治网络（占位）",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "合作伙伴",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md": "其去世前不久的事件"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 明确『安倍已故』——但其遗产持续；2) 区分『首相任内』vs『卸任后』——立场有变化；3) 避免心理化分析——聚焦其公开立场与行动；4) 包括其遭刺杀的政治影响"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-JPN-PERSON-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/current_japan_pm_taiwan_stance.md",
|
||||
"name": "当代日本首相的对台立场",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "当代日本首相（石破茂或其继任者）的对台立场。日本首相的对台政策直接影响日台关系运作——但首相更替频繁，需追踪当代立场。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/donald_trump.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/jd_vance.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"当代首相的基本背景",
|
||||
"派系归属（自民党内）",
|
||||
"对台公开立场",
|
||||
"与安倍路线的关系（延续 vs 调整）",
|
||||
"对北京立场",
|
||||
"在『台湾有事』论述上的立场",
|
||||
"对台具体行动（公开支持、官员互访等）",
|
||||
"未来日台关系的可能方向"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/shinzo_abe_legacy.md": "前任路线对照",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "核心论述",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md": "党内派系（占位）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 日本首相更替频繁——本档案可能需多次更新；2) 区分『首相立场』vs『日本政府立场』；3) 避免预测其卸任时间；4) 聚焦公开立场与可观察行动"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-JPN-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "自民党亲台派",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "日本自由民主党内的亲台派系网络——是日台关系最稳定的政治基础。理解其结构、人物、当代影响是分析日台关系的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/csis.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"自民党的派系结构概览",
|
||||
"亲台派的源流——安倍派、岸田派、麻生派等的对台立场",
|
||||
"关键人物——岸田文雄、麻生太郎、菅义伟、萩生田光一等",
|
||||
"日华议员恳谈会等正式组织",
|
||||
"亲台派的具体活动——访台、立法、公开发言",
|
||||
"对日本政府对台政策的影响机制",
|
||||
"与北京的对立位置",
|
||||
"在当代日台关系的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/shinzo_abe_legacy.md": "安倍是核心",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "亲台派推动的论述",
|
||||
"entities/people/current_japan_pm_taiwan_stance.md": "与现任首相的关系",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md": "类似的『国会亲台连线』参照"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 日本派系结构复杂——简化为『亲台 vs 不亲台』，避免过深细节；2) 安倍派在 2024 已弱化——这是关键变化；3) 注意日本『国会议员对台立场』vs『派系立场』的差异；4) 与美国国会涉台连线的对照"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P1-JPN-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/japan_taiwan/japan_taiwan_strategic_cooperation.md",
|
||||
"name": "日台经济与战略合作",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "当代日台经济与战略合作的具体面貌——半导体、产业、安全、文化等领域。理解日台合作的具体内容是分析日台关系深度的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"半导体合作——台积电熊本厂",
|
||||
"经济合作的整体规模",
|
||||
"民间交流（旅游、文化、学术）",
|
||||
"安全合作（虽形式上『非官方』）",
|
||||
"渔业、海洋议题",
|
||||
"邦交国合作（双方都重视邦交国维持）",
|
||||
"在国际场合的相互支持（如 G7、WHO）",
|
||||
"限制——『非官方』形式的约束"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "类似的『半导体外交』",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "安全合作背景",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md": "推动机制"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『非官方但实质』的合作模式；2) 半导体合作是当代核心；3) 注意限制——日本不承认台湾，但实质关系深；4) 多视角——日方利益与台方利益的协调"
|
||||
}
|
||||
|
||||
],
|
||||
|
||||
"summary": {
|
||||
"total_items": 30,
|
||||
"by_group": {
|
||||
"taiwan_military": 8,
|
||||
"taiwan_cross_strait_politics": 6,
|
||||
"taiwan_domestic_politics": 6,
|
||||
"taiwan_us_relations": 5,
|
||||
"taiwan_japan_relations": 5
|
||||
},
|
||||
"by_type": {
|
||||
"person": 9,
|
||||
"organization": 7,
|
||||
"event": 4,
|
||||
"narrative": 9,
|
||||
"framework": 0,
|
||||
"concept": 0,
|
||||
"pattern": 0,
|
||||
"timeline": 0,
|
||||
"media": 0,
|
||||
"faction": 0,
|
||||
"party": 0
|
||||
}
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"next_steps": {
|
||||
"after_P1": [
|
||||
"P2（重要）——大陆侧（习近平、国台办、解放军东部战区等）+ 台湾内部更多人物（陈其迈、林右昌等潜在 2028 接班者）+ 其他国际维度（欧洲、邦交国）",
|
||||
"P3（选配）——智库 / 学者群、特定历史事件、媒体生态扩展"
|
||||
]
|
||||
}
|
||||
}
|
||||
@@ -0,0 +1,966 @@
|
||||
{
|
||||
"version": "1.0",
|
||||
"last_updated": "2026-05-11",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"total_items": 30,
|
||||
"description": "P2 重要清单——P1 完成后的深化与扩展。按议题分组：台湾军事 / 台湾两岸政治 / 台湾国内政治 / 台美关系 / 台日关系 / 其他国际。地区权重：台 > 美 > 日 > 其他国际。所有条目引用 prompts_master.json 的通用 + 类型提示词。",
|
||||
|
||||
"topic_groups": {
|
||||
"taiwan_military": "台湾军事——P1 之后的军事机构细化、情报体系、关键人物",
|
||||
"taiwan_cross_strait_politics": "台湾两岸政治——核心概念深化、独派组织、协商史",
|
||||
"taiwan_domestic_politics": "台湾国内政治——重要政治人物、新兴机构、民调生态",
|
||||
"taiwan_us_relations": "台美关系——美方关键人物、机构细化、战略架构",
|
||||
"taiwan_japan_relations": "台日关系——日方政经界、媒体、民间组织",
|
||||
"taiwan_other_international": "其他国际——欧洲、邦交国、国际组织"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"items": [
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-MIL-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/general_staff_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "参谋本部",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "国防部下属参谋本部——台湾军事作战、军令的核心机关。理解其角色与文人国防部的关系是分析军方决策的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"参谋本部的法律地位与组织（参谋总长、各军种副参谋总长）",
|
||||
"『军政 vs 军令』的区分——国防部 vs 参谋本部的分工",
|
||||
"参谋总长的角色与历任",
|
||||
"联合作战指挥机制",
|
||||
"与三军司令部的关系",
|
||||
"与美军印太司令部的对口管道",
|
||||
"在重大军事事件中的角色",
|
||||
"文人国防部与军方参谋本部的张力"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md": "文人国防部长",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "执行单位",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md": "派系利益张力"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『军政 vs 军令』的制度区分——这是台湾军事体系的特殊性；2) 不要过度技术化（编制细节）；3) 文人国防部与军方的张力是当代议题；4) 参谋总长是关键人物——若有具体人选可详述"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-MIL-ORG-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/nsb_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "国家安全局（国安局）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "国家安全局——台湾对外情报与反情报机构。是国安体系的核心情报支柱，但运作高度不公开。理解其角色是分析两岸情报、认知作战、对外政策的隐性基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"国安局的法律地位与组织",
|
||||
"与国安会的关系（国安会下属机构）",
|
||||
"情报职能——对中、对国际、反情报",
|
||||
"历任局长背景（多为军方退役）",
|
||||
"与美方情报机构（CIA 等）的合作",
|
||||
"与日方情报合作",
|
||||
"在认知作战、反情报中的角色",
|
||||
"运作的不透明性——分析时的方法限制"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/nsc_taiwan.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "协调对口",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md": "反情报涉及",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md": "情报合作管道"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 国安局运作高度不公开——分析多为推论；2) 强调与国安会的关系；3) 避免过度神秘化——这是正常的情报机构；4) 与日美情报合作是当代关键"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-MIL-ORG-03",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/reserve_command.md",
|
||||
"name": "后备指挥部 / 全民防卫动员",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "国防部后备指挥部——主管后备军人、动员、民防体系。在『全民防卫』论述兴起后地位上升。是连结正规军与全民防卫的关键机构。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"后备指挥部的组织与职能",
|
||||
"后备军人体系——召集、训练、动员",
|
||||
"民防体系——民安演习、灾防整合",
|
||||
"与全民防卫论述的连结",
|
||||
"兵役延长后的后备体系变化",
|
||||
"若发生战事的动员机制",
|
||||
"美方援助的角色（训练、装备）",
|
||||
"与公民团体（如黑熊学院）的关系"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "上级",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_conscription_extension_2022.md": "兵役延长影响",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/all_out_defense_discourse.md": "全民防卫论述",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略的人力基础"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调与全民防卫论述的协同；2) 民防 vs 军事的边界；3) 战时动员的具体机制（不要过度推演）；4) 包括公民团体的辅助角色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-MIL-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/mei_chia_shu.md",
|
||||
"name": "梅家树（参谋总长，或当代参谋总长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "现任参谋总长——台湾军方最高将领（具体人选随任期变化）。理解参谋总长角色是分析军方决策的关键。本档案需追踪当代人选。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"军职背景（陆军 / 海军 / 空军出身）",
|
||||
"晋升轨迹与重要职位",
|
||||
"在军方派系中的位置",
|
||||
"与国防部长（文人）的关系",
|
||||
"公开发言的立场与风格",
|
||||
"在重大军事议题（豪猪战略、不对称作战）上的立场",
|
||||
"与美方对口的关系",
|
||||
"未来军事政策的潜在影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/general_staff_taiwan.md": "其主管机构",
|
||||
"entities/people/wellington_koo.md": "上级（国防部长）",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md": "军种张力"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 参谋总长更替较频繁——本档案需更新；2) 军方人物多低调公开发言——分析需推论；3) 注意军种背景对立场的影响；4) 避免预测具体决策——保留分析空间"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-MIL-EVENT-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/key_events/event_pla_drills_around_taiwan_routine.md",
|
||||
"name": "解放军绕台常态化（2016-当代演变）",
|
||||
"type": "event",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_military",
|
||||
"topic": "解放军军机绕台从『罕见事件』到『日常基线』的演变——是当代台海军事压力的核心模式。本档案聚焦『常态化』的过程与意义（不深档单次事件）。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md",
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"绕台的起点——2016 蔡英文上任后开始",
|
||||
"频次的演变（每月几次 → 每日数十架次）",
|
||||
"跨越中线的演变（2019 起逐渐常态）",
|
||||
"台湾国防部的应对（公开发布军机数量）",
|
||||
"国际媒体的报导框架变化",
|
||||
"台湾民众的『习以为常』效应",
|
||||
"与重大政治事件的对应关系",
|
||||
"未来可能升级（封锁演习等）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md": "时间线脉络",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_blockade_drills_aug_2022.md": "升级版本",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_joint_sword_2024_drills.md": "重大军演",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "反应阶梯位置"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『常态化』过程——这是结构性变化；2) 不要逐次列举军演（在时间线中处理）；3) 注意台湾应对方式的演变（从震惊到日常）；4) 与重大政治事件的对应关系"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-CSPOL-CONCEPT-01",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/92_consensus_evolution.md",
|
||||
"name": "九二共识的演变史",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "「九二共识」从 1992 年香港会谈到当代演变——是两岸最具争议的政治概念。理解其『历史 vs 当代版本』的差异是分析当代两岸论述的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/one_china_three_versions.md",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"1992 年香港会谈的事实层（海基会 / 海协会代表、讨论内容）",
|
||||
"『共识』vs『非共识』的争议——双方实际同意了什么",
|
||||
"苏起 2000 年提出『九二共识』一词的源起",
|
||||
"KMT 版本——『一中各表』",
|
||||
"北京版本——『一中原则』（弱化『各表』）",
|
||||
"DPP 立场——『九二会谈历史事实但无共识』",
|
||||
"习时代北京弱化『各表』的演变",
|
||||
"当代『九二共识』的多重诠释",
|
||||
"在 2024 大选中的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/one_china_three_versions.md": "概念基础",
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md": "KMT 版本推动者",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "DPP 立场代表",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md": "九二共识的政治产物",
|
||||
"narratives/china_side/one_country_two_systems_taiwan_version.md": "习时代连结",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md": "当代张力"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分『1992 历史事实』vs『2000 后的政治概念』——苏起的命名是关键；2) 多视角呈现『有 vs 无共识』的争议；3) 强调习时代『各表』的弱化——是当代关键变化；4) 避免选边——这是政治争议概念"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-CSPOL-CONCEPT-02",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/status_quo_definition.md",
|
||||
"name": "「维持现状」的多重定义",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "「维持现状」是两岸最常用但最被滥用的措辞——各方都用同一词指代不同事物。本档案系统拆解各方版本的『现状』，是分析当代两岸论述的基础工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/one_china_three_versions.md",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"『现状』的字面意思 vs 政治意思",
|
||||
"蔡英文版的现状（『中华民国宪法 + 互不隶属』）",
|
||||
"赖清德版的现状（更明示『互不隶属』）",
|
||||
"KMT 版的现状（九二共识基础上的现状）",
|
||||
"北京版的现状（一中原则）",
|
||||
"美方版的现状（『不希望任一方单方面改变』）",
|
||||
"各版本的内在矛盾——『同名异质』",
|
||||
"实务分析中的应用——识别使用者立场"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/one_china_three_versions.md": "概念基础",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md": "现状偏移的论述",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md": "美方版本基础",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "蔡版本",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "赖版本",
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md": "KMT 版本"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『同名异质』——这是核心命题；2) 用表格对照各版本；3) 多视角呈现——每方都『真心相信』自己的版本；4) 实务应用——读到『维持现状』时如何识别版本"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-CSPOL-EVENT-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/key_events/event_ma_xi_meeting_2015.md",
|
||||
"name": "马习会（2015.11.07）",
|
||||
"type": "event",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "2015 年 11 月 7 日的马习会——1949 年以来两岸最高层级会面。是两岸合作时代的『高点 + 转折点』，但意义有多重诠释。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_anti_secession_law_2005.md",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"事件本身（时间、地点、规格、内容）",
|
||||
"『先生』互称的政治学",
|
||||
"会前协商过程（陆委会、海基会、北京管道）",
|
||||
"会谈内容（公开 vs 未公开）",
|
||||
"DPP、台湾内部反应",
|
||||
"国际反应（美方、日方）",
|
||||
"马卸任前 3 个月的政治时机",
|
||||
"对 2016 大选的影响",
|
||||
"多重视角——历史性突破 vs 政治表演",
|
||||
"对未来两岸高层互动的『先例』作用"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md": "主角",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md": "协调机构",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/sef_taiwan.md": "执行机构",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md": "脉络背景",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/92_consensus_evolution.md": "论述基础",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_sunflower_2014.md": "前置背景（太阳花后的尝试）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多视角呈现——历史突破 vs 政治表演；2) 注意时机（马卸任前、KMT 选战临近）；3) 与马英九档案的分工——本档案聚焦事件本身；4) 强调对当代『两岸不可能再会面』的对照"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-CSPOL-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/taiwan_independence_organizations.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾独立运动组织",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_cross_strait_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾独立运动的组织生态——从早期『台独联盟』到当代各类独派团体。是 DPP 党外的『独派压力来源』，也是台湾内部政治光谱的极端一端。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"台独联盟（WUFI）——历史与当代",
|
||||
"台湾国家正常化运动",
|
||||
"其他独派团体（建国党残部、台联党残部等）",
|
||||
"与 DPP 的关系——压力来源 vs 选举支持",
|
||||
"与年轻世代的关系（『天然独』）",
|
||||
"当代影响力评估",
|
||||
"对 DPP 路线的实质影响",
|
||||
"北京视为『分裂势力』核心"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md": "DPP 与独派的关系",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/taiwan_normalization_discourse.md": "推动的论述",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "『务实台独工作者』身份的关联"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分『正式组织』vs『松散运动』；2) 当代独派多分散——非单一组织；3) 注意『天然独』年轻世代与传统独派的差异；4) 避免简化为『极端派』——内部立场多元"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-DOM-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/chen_chi_mai.md",
|
||||
"name": "陈其迈（高雄市长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "现任高雄市长（2020.08-）、新潮流派系核心、DPP 2028 潜在总统候选人之一。理解其角色是分析 DPP 内部接班与 2028 选战的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/lu_shiow_yen.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"医师背景与早期政治",
|
||||
"立委经验",
|
||||
"2018 高雄市长选战败选（输给韩国瑜）",
|
||||
"2020 罢免韩国瑜后接任",
|
||||
"2022 高雄市长选战大胜",
|
||||
"派系基础（新潮流核心）",
|
||||
"施政风格与高雄市政表现",
|
||||
"在 DPP 内的地位与 2028 潜力",
|
||||
"与赖清德的关系（合作但有距离）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md": "新潮流派系",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "同新潮流核心",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "前任支持",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "党内位置"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调新潮流核心身份——这是与赖的关系基础；2) 高雄市政表现是其 2028 资本；3) 注意他与赖的『合作但有距离』——同派系但非附属；4) 避免过度预测 2028 角色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-DOM-PERSON-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/han_kuo_yu.md",
|
||||
"name": "韩国瑜（立法院长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "现任立法院长（2024.02-）、2020 总统选战败选、『韩流』现象的主角。理解其轨迹与当代角色是分析 KMT 民粹路线、立法院攻防的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/eric_chu.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/ko_wen_je.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"早期政治轨迹（立委、北农总经理）",
|
||||
"2018 高雄市长大胜（『韩流』现象）",
|
||||
"2020 总统选战败选（蔡英文 817 万票）",
|
||||
"2020 高雄市长遭罢免",
|
||||
"政治低潮期（2020-2024）",
|
||||
"2024 当选立法院长的特殊背景",
|
||||
"立法院长角色与立场",
|
||||
"在 KMT 内的位置（非主流派 vs 民粹路线）",
|
||||
"在 2024 后立法院攻防中的角色",
|
||||
"未来政治可能"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/chen_chi_mai.md": "高雄市长继任",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "KMT 内的特殊位置",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/legislative_yuan.md": "其主持机构",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_legislative_reform_controversy_2024.md": "立法院长角色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多视角呈现『韩流』——支持者视为草根英雄，反对者视为民粹；2) 注意其立法院长角色的特殊性——他是 2024 后立法院的『脸面』；3) 避免心理化分析；4) 未来政治可能要保留多种情境"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-DOM-PERSON-03",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/cheng_wen_tsan.md",
|
||||
"name": "郑文灿（前桃园市长）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "前桃园市长（2014-2022）、新潮流派系重要人物、曾任行政院副院长、当代陷司法案件（2024-）。理解其轨迹是分析 DPP 派系动态、地方治理、司法争议的多重案例。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/chen_chi_mai.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"学运世代背景（野百合学运）",
|
||||
"进入 DPP 与政治轨迹",
|
||||
"桃园市长两任执政",
|
||||
"新潮流派系核心位置",
|
||||
"曾被视为 2024 / 2028 总统潜力",
|
||||
"2024 后陷司法案件（涉桃园市政等）",
|
||||
"对 DPP / 新潮流派系的影响",
|
||||
"司法案件的多重诠释"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md": "新潮流派系",
|
||||
"entities/people/chen_chi_mai.md": "同派系",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "同派系核心",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "党内动态"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 司法案件正在演变——保留分析空间；2) 多视角——支持者视为司法迫害，反对者视为政治腐败；3) 注意他对新潮流派系的影响（曾是潜在接班人）；4) 强调他的轨迹是 DPP 派系动态的关键案例"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-DOM-PERSON-04",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/huang_shan_shan.md",
|
||||
"name": "黄珊珊（TPP 重要人物）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "前台北市副市长（2019-2022，柯文哲任内）、2022 参选台北市长（无党籍）、2024 参选立委（TPP）——是 TPP 内部重要人物。理解其角色是分析 TPP 接班动态的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/ko_wen_je.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/huang_kuo_chang.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"律师背景",
|
||||
"亲民党时期的政治经验",
|
||||
"台北市副市长任内（柯文哲团队核心）",
|
||||
"2022 台北市长选战（输给蒋万安）",
|
||||
"2024 参选立委情况",
|
||||
"在 TPP 内的位置（与柯、黄国昌的关系）",
|
||||
"在 2028 TPP 角色的潜力",
|
||||
"立场特征（中间偏温和）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/ko_wen_je.md": "前上级",
|
||||
"entities/people/huang_kuo_chang.md": "TPP 同侪",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "党内位置",
|
||||
"entities/people/chiang_wan_an.md": "2022 选战对手"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调亲民党背景——影响其立场；2) 与柯、黄国昌的关系动态；3) 注意其『温和派』形象 vs 黄国昌『鹰派』；4) 2028 角色保留多种可能"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-DOM-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/moda_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "数位发展部（数位部）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "2022 年 8 月成立的新部会——主管数位治理、资安、网络。在认知作战、数位治理、AI 等议题上扮演核心角色。是台湾应对当代数位挑战的机构创新。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mac_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"成立背景与法律地位",
|
||||
"首任部长唐凤的角色与影响",
|
||||
"组织结构",
|
||||
"主要职能——数位治理、资安、产业",
|
||||
"与国安体系的协调",
|
||||
"在认知作战防御中的角色",
|
||||
"AI 治理议题的推动",
|
||||
"与国际数位治理的连结"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md": "反认知作战",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/nsc_taiwan.md": "国安协调",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "数位产业"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调机构创新——这是台湾治理的新尝试；2) 唐凤的特殊角色（已卸任但影响延续）；3) 与传统部会的协调；4) 国际连结是其特色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-DOM-ORG-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/polling_ecosystem_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾民调机构生态",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾民调机构的整体生态——TVBS、台湾民意基金会、美丽岛电子报、远见、联合报民调中心、各党内部民调等。分析选情、政策接受度时必须理解民调机构的立场与方法学差异。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/csis.md",
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"主要民调机构及其立场倾向",
|
||||
"TVBS——电视台附属，议题广",
|
||||
"台湾民意基金会（游盈隆）——独立、立场偏绿",
|
||||
"美丽岛电子报（吴子嘉）——立场偏蓝",
|
||||
"联合报系民调——立场偏蓝",
|
||||
"网络民调与传统电话民调的差异",
|
||||
"『手机 vs 市话』的方法学议题",
|
||||
"在政治分析中的应用——如何识别民调立场",
|
||||
"民调结果的常见诠释战"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "媒体生态",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "选民基础",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "选民基础",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "选民基础",
|
||||
"reference/source_credibility_tiers.md": "民调可信度评估"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调各机构立场——不是中性数据；2) 方法学差异（手机 vs 市话）影响结果；3) 多视角——所有民调都有偏差；4) 实务应用——如何对照多家民调得出更可靠判断"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-DOM-PATTERN-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/recurring_patterns/pattern_post_election_signal.md",
|
||||
"name": "北京选后信号模式",
|
||||
"type": "pattern",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_domestic_politics",
|
||||
"topic": "北京在台湾选举结果出炉后的反应模式——通常 24 小时内有重大表态，1-3 个月内有军事 / 经济回应。是分析选后两岸动态的预测工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md",
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_arms_sales_timing.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"选后信号的『时间结构』——立即表态 vs 中期反应",
|
||||
"历史案例（2000、2008、2016、2020、2024 选后）",
|
||||
"信号的内容特征（措辞强度、政策暗示）",
|
||||
"选举结果的不同情境对应",
|
||||
"DPP 胜选的反应模式",
|
||||
"KMT 胜选的反应模式",
|
||||
"三脚督结构的特殊处理（2024）",
|
||||
"实务预测——2028 选后的可能反应",
|
||||
"常见的分析陷阱"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md": "对照（选前）",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "反应阶梯",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_joint_sword_2024_drills.md": "赖就职后反应（2024 选后延伸）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『时间结构』——立即 vs 中期反应分开；2) 不同选举结果有不同模式；3) 三脚督结构是 2024 的特殊点；4) 多视角——北京『必要回应』vs 台湾『过度反应』"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-USA-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/mike_waltz.md",
|
||||
"name": "Mike Waltz（国家安全顾问）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "川普 2.0 国家安全顾问——退役陆军特种部队军官、前众议员、对中鹰派。在川普 2.0 国安体系中的对台立场是当代台美关系的关键变数之一。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/jd_vance.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"军方背景（特种部队）与众议员经历",
|
||||
"对中立场——明确鹰派",
|
||||
"对台立场（公开发言记录）",
|
||||
"与川普的关系",
|
||||
"与鲁比奥、万斯的内阁关系",
|
||||
"国家安全顾问的实际职能",
|
||||
"在重大涉台决策中的角色",
|
||||
"未来潜在影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/donald_trump.md": "总统",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md": "国务卿（合作）",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/jd_vance.md": "副总统（路线张力）",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/trump_taiwan_uncertainty.md": "当代台美关系"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调军方 + 国会双背景；2) 与万斯（克制派）的张力；3) 注意川普 2.0 内阁人事可能变化；4) 公开发言比内部立场更可分析"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-USA-PERSON-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/mitch_mcconnell.md",
|
||||
"name": "Mitch McConnell（参议院共和党资深议员）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "前参议院多数 / 少数党领袖、共和党资深议员、长期亲台派代表。是国会涉台支持的核心象征，但 2025 起卸任领袖位置。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/jd_vance.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"政治轨迹（肯塔基州、长期资深议员）",
|
||||
"对台立场——长期亲台",
|
||||
"对中立场——传统共和党强硬派",
|
||||
"与川普的复杂关系（不完全合作）",
|
||||
"传统共和党 vs MAGA 派的代表性",
|
||||
"卸任领袖后的角色",
|
||||
"在涉台立法中的核心角色",
|
||||
"对 2028 后共和党路线的潜在影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md": "鹰派同盟",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md": "国会涉台连线",
|
||||
"entities/people/donald_trump.md": "复杂关系",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/jd_vance.md": "MAGA 派对照"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调他是『传统共和党』代表——与 MAGA 派对照；2) 与川普的复杂关系是分析重点；3) 卸任领袖位置但仍有影响；4) 是长期对台支持的『稳定锚』"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-USA-PERSON-03",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/ted_cruz.md",
|
||||
"name": "Ted Cruz（参议员）",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "德州参议员、共和党涉外议题鹰派、长期推动涉台立法。在国会涉台连线中的活跃成员，是分析共和党对台立场的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/mike_waltz.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"政治背景与轨迹",
|
||||
"对中立场——强硬",
|
||||
"对台具体行动（涉台立法、访台等）",
|
||||
"与川普关系（复杂）",
|
||||
"在 MAGA 派 vs 传统共和党的位置",
|
||||
"国会涉外活动",
|
||||
"在 2028 后的政治路线"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md": "国会涉台连线",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/marco_rubio.md": "鹰派同盟",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/mike_waltz.md": "鹰派同盟"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 与鲁比奥的鹰派同盟；2) 与川普的关系动态；3) 强调其在国会的实际推动；4) 避免过度细节"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-USA-CONCEPT-01",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/island_chain_strategy.md",
|
||||
"name": "「岛链」与印太战略架构",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_us_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "「第一岛链」、「第二岛链」概念——美方印太战略的地理基础。台湾在第一岛链的核心位置是分析台海战略价值的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/us_one_china_policy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"『岛链』概念的源起（冷战时期）",
|
||||
"第一岛链 vs 第二岛链 vs 第三岛链",
|
||||
"台湾在第一岛链的『锁眼』位置",
|
||||
"概念在当代美方印太战略的应用",
|
||||
"解放军『突破第一岛链』论述",
|
||||
"日本、菲律宾、关岛的角色",
|
||||
"与美方『分布式作战』、『AUKUS』等当代战略",
|
||||
"在台美关系论述中的应用"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md": "战略框架",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md": "战略价值论据",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "战术执行",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "日本角色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调台湾的『锁眼』地理位置；2) 不要过度技术化（军事细节）；3) 与印太战略的连结；4) 多视角——美方战略 vs 北京『突破』论述"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-JPN-ORG-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/japan_taiwan_diet_members_consortium.md",
|
||||
"name": "日华议员恳谈会",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "日本国会跨党派的亲台议员组织——日台关系的核心制度化管道。理解其结构、活动、人物是分析日台政治关系的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"组织成立与历史",
|
||||
"跨党派性质（虽以自民党为主）",
|
||||
"重要人物——古屋圭司、菅义伟等",
|
||||
"主要活动——访台、立法、公开发言",
|
||||
"与日本政府的关系",
|
||||
"与美国国会涉台连线的对照",
|
||||
"在当代日台关系中的角色",
|
||||
"未来潜在影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ldp_pro_taiwan.md": "主要参与者",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md": "类似机制对照",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "推动的论述"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 与美国国会涉台连线对照；2) 跨党派但以自民党为主；3) 在野党（立宪民主党等）的参与情况；4) 避免过度细节（具体议员名单）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-JPN-ORG-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/japan_taiwan_business.md",
|
||||
"name": "日本对台经济界",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "日本对台经济界——半导体、汽车、电子产业等的对台关系。是日台关系的『隐性基础』，也是日本对台政策的实质动力。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/japan_taiwan_diet_members_consortium.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"日台经济关系的整体规模",
|
||||
"半导体合作——台积电熊本厂、东京电子等",
|
||||
"汽车产业（丰田、本田等的在台关系）",
|
||||
"电子产业相互依赖",
|
||||
"日本企业在台湾的投资",
|
||||
"台湾企业在日本的投资",
|
||||
"日本经济界对政府对台政策的影响",
|
||||
"与北京的『日台 vs 日中』经济张力"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "台积电熊本厂",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/japan_taiwan_strategic_cooperation.md": "经济合作整体",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/japan_taiwan_diet_members_consortium.md": "政治协调"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调经济实质基础——日台关系不只是政治；2) 半导体是当代核心；3) 注意『日台 vs 日中』张力；4) 不要过度统计细节"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-JPN-MEDIA-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/media/japanese_media_taiwan_coverage.md",
|
||||
"name": "日本媒体的对台报导生态",
|
||||
"type": "media",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_japan_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "日本主流媒体（朝日、读卖、产经、每日、NHK 等）对台报导的生态——立场光谱、报导框架、影响力。是分析日本舆论对台立场的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"日本主流媒体光谱（保守派 vs 自由派）",
|
||||
"产经新闻——保守派、亲台",
|
||||
"读卖新闻——保守派、中间偏右",
|
||||
"朝日新闻——自由派、对中较温和",
|
||||
"每日新闻、NHK——中间",
|
||||
"各媒体的对台报导框架差异",
|
||||
"在重大事件（如安倍论述）的报导差异",
|
||||
"在分析日本对台政策时的应用"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "媒体光谱对照（台湾）",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "媒体框架案例"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 立场光谱要平衡呈现；2) 不要简化为『亲台 vs 反台』——多元立场；3) 注意媒体与政府立场的差异；4) 实务应用——如何对照多媒体获得平衡判断"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-OTHER-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/taiwan_diplomatic_allies_strategy.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾邦交国战略",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_other_international",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾维持邦交国的战略——12 个邦交国（截至 2025）多为小国，但具特殊政治意义。理解其逻辑是分析台湾国际地位的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/japan_taiwan_strategic_cooperation.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"当代邦交国清单与地理分布",
|
||||
"邦交国维持的核心逻辑（象征性 vs 实质性）",
|
||||
"近年邦交国转向北京的案例",
|
||||
"北京『金援外交』vs 台湾『价值外交』",
|
||||
"DPP vs KMT 的邦交策略差异",
|
||||
"邦交国在国际组织中的支持",
|
||||
"梵蒂冈的特殊角色",
|
||||
"未来邦交国数量的可能演变"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "执行机构",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md": "国际孤立感的源头之一",
|
||||
"narratives/china_side/unification_process_discourse.md": "北京的国际策略"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分邦交国与实质关系——许多非邦交国关系深；2) 多视角——金援外交 vs 价值外交；3) 近年转向北京的趋势；4) 邦交国数量的『心理影响』"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-OTHER-EVENT-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/key_events/event_lithuania_taiwan_office_2021.md",
|
||||
"name": "立陶宛设台代表处事件（2021）",
|
||||
"type": "event",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_other_international",
|
||||
"topic": "2021 年 7 月立陶宛同意设立『台湾代表处』（非『台北代表处』）—— 是台湾国际能见度的重大突破，也触发北京强烈报复。是当代台湾在欧洲突破的标志事件。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_anti_secession_law_2005.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"事件本身（2021.07 宣布、11 月正式启用）",
|
||||
"『台湾』vs『台北』在命名上的意义",
|
||||
"立陶宛政府的动机",
|
||||
"北京的报复（外交降级、贸易制裁）",
|
||||
"欧盟与美方的反应",
|
||||
"对其他欧洲国家的『示范效应』",
|
||||
"对台湾国际策略的长期意义",
|
||||
"后续演变（立陶宛政府轮替后的态度）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/international/taiwan_diplomatic_allies_strategy.md": "国际策略",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md": "破除孤立感",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "执行机构",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "北京反应模式"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『台湾 vs 台北』命名的政治意义；2) 北京报复模式的具体内容；3) 欧洲『示范效应』vs 实际复制有限；4) 注意立陶宛政府轮替后的态度变化"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-OTHER-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/eu_taiwan_relations.md",
|
||||
"name": "欧盟与台湾关系",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_other_international",
|
||||
"topic": "欧盟与台湾的关系演变——近年从『一中政策严格遵守』转向『有限度对台支持』。是当代台湾国际突破的重要面向。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"欧盟与台湾的基本关系框架",
|
||||
"欧洲议会的多项涉台决议",
|
||||
"欧盟成员国的立场分布（亲台 vs 谨慎）",
|
||||
"立陶宛、捷克的『示范』",
|
||||
"德国、法国的谨慎",
|
||||
"欧洲议会代表团访台",
|
||||
"经济关系（贸易、半导体）",
|
||||
"在中欧关系下的复杂位置"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_lithuania_taiwan_office_2021.md": "突破案例",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md": "对比",
|
||||
"narratives/international/taiwan_diplomatic_allies_strategy.md": "整体策略"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分欧盟整体 vs 成员国立场；2) 欧洲议会决议无约束力但有政治意义；3) 经济关系是隐性基础；4) 在中欧关系下台湾的位置复杂"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-OTHER-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/petr_pavel.md",
|
||||
"name": "Petr Pavel（捷克总统）或当代捷克涉台立场",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_other_international",
|
||||
"topic": "捷克总统 Petr Pavel（2023-）—— 当代最支持台湾的欧洲国家领导人之一，与蔡英文有过电话沟通。是分析欧洲对台立场的关键案例。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/jd_vance.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/current_japan_pm_taiwan_stance.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"Pavel 的背景（前北约军事委员会主席）",
|
||||
"当选捷克总统",
|
||||
"与蔡英文的电话沟通（2023.01）—— 选后立即",
|
||||
"在重大议题上的立场",
|
||||
"捷克国会的亲台立场",
|
||||
"捷克与立陶宛的『中东欧亲台双引擎』",
|
||||
"对其他欧洲国家的影响",
|
||||
"未来捷克对台政策走向"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_lithuania_taiwan_office_2021.md": "中东欧示范",
|
||||
"narratives/international/eu_taiwan_relations.md": "欧盟内的特殊位置",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "重要互动伙伴"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调与蔡英文的电话沟通的特殊性；2) 军方背景影响其立场；3) 捷克与立陶宛的『双引擎』模式；4) 注意捷克总统是『虚位元首』——但 Pavel 的实际影响有限制"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-OTHER-NARRATIVE-03",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/wto_who_icao_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "WHO / ICAO / WTO 等国际组织议题",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_other_international",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾参与国际组织的现状与争议——WHO / WHA 排除、ICAO 排除、WTO 完整成员等。是当代台湾国际孤立感的核心议题。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/international/taiwan_diplomatic_allies_strategy.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"WHO / WHA—— 2009-2016 以观察员身份参与，之后被排除",
|
||||
"新冠疫情期间的国际能见度提升",
|
||||
"ICAO—— 一直被排除",
|
||||
"WTO—— 完整成员（『中华台北』名义）",
|
||||
"其他国际组织的具体状况",
|
||||
"美方、日方、欧洲的支持立场",
|
||||
"北京『一中』施压机制",
|
||||
"未来突破的可能与限制"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/un_resolution_2758.md": "国际组织基础（占位）",
|
||||
"narratives/international/taiwan_diplomatic_allies_strategy.md": "国际策略",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md": "美方支持",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "执行机构"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分各国际组织的具体状况；2) 新冠疫情的『国际能见度』影响；3) 北京施压机制的具体性；4) 多视角——突破有限但不是停滞"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P2-OTHER-PATTERN-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/recurring_patterns/pattern_diplomatic_switch.md",
|
||||
"name": "邦交国转向北京模式",
|
||||
"type": "pattern",
|
||||
"priority": "P2",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_other_international",
|
||||
"topic": "邦交国从台湾转向北京的模式——通常涉及北京经济利诱、台湾努力维持、最终转向的过程。是预测未来邦交变动的工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md",
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_arms_sales_timing.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"近年案例（圣多美、巴拿马、多明尼加、布吉纳法索、薩爾瓦多、所罗门、吉里巴斯、尼加拉瓜、宏都拉斯、瑙鲁等）",
|
||||
"转向的常见时机（选后、北京施压期）",
|
||||
"北京的诱因工具（经济援助、投资承诺）",
|
||||
"台湾的反应模式",
|
||||
"美方的态度（部分支持台湾维持）",
|
||||
"邦交国数量的演变趋势",
|
||||
"未来可能转向的邦交国预测",
|
||||
"对台湾国际处境的累积影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/international/taiwan_diplomatic_allies_strategy.md": "整体战略",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "北京工具",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "应对机构"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 用具体案例支撑——列举多个邦交转向事件；2) 多视角——经济利诱 vs 政治选择；3) 不要将『邦交减少』等同于『国际孤立加深』；4) 注意美方有时介入维持"
|
||||
}
|
||||
|
||||
],
|
||||
|
||||
"summary": {
|
||||
"total_items": 30,
|
||||
"by_group": {
|
||||
"taiwan_military": 5,
|
||||
"taiwan_cross_strait_politics": 4,
|
||||
"taiwan_domestic_politics": 6,
|
||||
"taiwan_us_relations": 4,
|
||||
"taiwan_japan_relations": 3,
|
||||
"taiwan_other_international": 8
|
||||
},
|
||||
"by_type": {
|
||||
"person": 9,
|
||||
"organization": 8,
|
||||
"event": 3,
|
||||
"narrative": 6,
|
||||
"concept": 2,
|
||||
"pattern": 2,
|
||||
"media": 1,
|
||||
"framework": 0,
|
||||
"timeline": 0,
|
||||
"party": 0,
|
||||
"faction": 0
|
||||
}
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"notes_on_p2_design": {
|
||||
"compared_to_p1": [
|
||||
"P1 聚焦『核心档案 + 当代关键』；P2 聚焦『深化 + 扩展』",
|
||||
"P2 引入更多机构层细化（参谋本部、国安局、数位部、民调机构）",
|
||||
"P2 加入概念深化（九二共识演变、维持现状定义、岛链）",
|
||||
"P2 加入更多人物档案（DPP 接班潜力、KMT/TPP 重要人物）",
|
||||
"P2 显著扩展『其他国际』——欧洲、邦交国、国际组织"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"what_p2_does_not_cover": [
|
||||
"北京侧——按你的要求暂不做",
|
||||
"太老事件（1996 飞弹危机、2019 元二讲话等）——按你的要求暂不做",
|
||||
"智库 / 学者群（除 P1 已有的）",
|
||||
"更细致的媒体生态（联合报、自由时报、民视、三立等单独档案）",
|
||||
"韩国对台立场",
|
||||
"东南亚（新南向）国家个别档案"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"next_steps": {
|
||||
"after_p2": [
|
||||
"P3（选配，预估约 25-30 份）——媒体生态扩展（联合报、自由时报、民视、三立）+ 智库扩展 + 韩国 + 东南亚（新南向）+ 数位议题深化 + 选举工具与方法学"
|
||||
]
|
||||
}
|
||||
}
|
||||
@@ -0,0 +1,800 @@
|
||||
{
|
||||
"version": "1.0",
|
||||
"last_updated": "2026-05-11",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"total_items": 25,
|
||||
"description": "P3 选配清单——专业领域的深化扩展。这些文件单独看可能不必读，但当分析涉及该领域时极有用。所有条目引用 prompts_master.json 的通用 + 类型提示词。",
|
||||
|
||||
"topic_groups": {
|
||||
"taiwan_media_ecosystem": "台湾媒体生态扩展——主流媒体单独档案",
|
||||
"taiwan_thinktanks": "台湾智库与关键学者群",
|
||||
"electoral_tools_and_methods": "选举工具与方法学——民调、动员、选战策略",
|
||||
"taiwan_korea_relations": "台韩关系",
|
||||
"taiwan_southeast_asia": "台湾与东南亚 / 新南向",
|
||||
"digital_geopolitics": "数位议题深化——半导体、AI、网络空间",
|
||||
"electoral_institutions": "选举制度——罢免、公投、立委选制"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"items": [
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-MEDIA-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/media/united_daily_news.md",
|
||||
"name": "联合报（联合报系）",
|
||||
"type": "media",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_media_ecosystem",
|
||||
"topic": "联合报——立场偏蓝但相对温和的主流报纸；联合报系含联合晚报、经济日报、世界日报等。是分析台湾媒体光谱中『中道偏蓝』立场的代表。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"联合报的基本资料（创刊 1951、所有权、规模）",
|
||||
"联合报系的整体生态",
|
||||
"立场特征：『温和偏蓝』vs 中国时报的『立场鲜明偏蓝』",
|
||||
"在媒体光谱中的位置（蓝色 vs 红色 vs 绿色）",
|
||||
"对两岸议题的报导框架",
|
||||
"对国民党路线的态度（部分批判性）",
|
||||
"民调中心的角色",
|
||||
"实务分析时的应用——与其他媒体对照"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "光谱对照",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "立场倾向",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/polling_ecosystem_taiwan.md": "民调中心"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 与中国时报对照——同偏蓝但风格不同；2) 强调『相对温和』——不是立场鲜明的『蓝媒』；3) 多维度（社论、报导、评论）；4) 民调中心是其特色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-MEDIA-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/media/liberty_times.md",
|
||||
"name": "自由时报",
|
||||
"type": "media",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_media_ecosystem",
|
||||
"topic": "自由时报——立场偏绿的主流报纸、发行量长期领先。是台湾媒体光谱中『绿色立场』的代表，也是 DPP 论述的主要载体之一。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md",
|
||||
"entities/media/united_daily_news.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"基本资料（创刊 1980、所有权——林荣三家族）",
|
||||
"立场特征：『偏绿但有商业考量』",
|
||||
"在媒体光谱中的位置（与联合报、中国时报对照）",
|
||||
"对两岸议题的报导框架",
|
||||
"对 DPP 的态度（支持但有距离）",
|
||||
"网络版（自由时报电子报）的影响",
|
||||
"近年订阅与发行的趋势",
|
||||
"实务分析时的应用——绿营立场的主流载体"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "对照（偏蓝）",
|
||||
"entities/media/united_daily_news.md": "对照（中道偏蓝）",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "立场倾向"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 注意林荣三家族的商业背景影响；2) 与 DPP 关系是『支持但有距离』——不是机关报；3) 网络版的崛起是当代特征；4) 多维度——社论、报导、评论"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-MEDIA-03",
|
||||
"path": "entities/media/sanli_tv.md",
|
||||
"name": "三立电视",
|
||||
"type": "media",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_media_ecosystem",
|
||||
"topic": "三立电视——立场偏绿的电视台、政论节目影响力大。在『政论节目政治化』时代是关键平台，对 DPP 论述的扩散有重要作用。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md",
|
||||
"entities/media/liberty_times.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"基本资料（创立、所有权）",
|
||||
"立场特征：『偏绿且立场鲜明』",
|
||||
"主要政论节目（《新台湾加油》、《大政治大爆卦》等）",
|
||||
"在政论节目生态中的地位",
|
||||
"对两岸议题的处理",
|
||||
"对年轻选民的影响（网络节目延伸）",
|
||||
"与 DPP 政治人物的合作关系",
|
||||
"争议——立场过于鲜明的批评"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "对照（蓝营生态）",
|
||||
"entities/media/liberty_times.md": "同绿营生态",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "立场倾向"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调政论节目的特殊性——不只是新闻；2) 与中天的『绿蓝对应』；3) 网络节目（YouTube 频道）的延伸影响；4) 不要过度妖魔化——是商业媒体而非政党机关"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-MEDIA-04",
|
||||
"path": "entities/media/min_shi_tv.md",
|
||||
"name": "民视（民间全民电视）",
|
||||
"type": "media",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_media_ecosystem",
|
||||
"topic": "民视——立场偏深绿的电视台、本土意识鲜明。是台湾本土派的重要媒体载体，与三立形成『绿营双引擎』。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md",
|
||||
"entities/media/sanli_tv.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"基本资料（创立 1997、本土派背景）",
|
||||
"立场特征：『深绿、本土派』",
|
||||
"主要政论节目",
|
||||
"台语节目的特色（与本土认同的连结）",
|
||||
"与三立的『绿营双引擎』分工",
|
||||
"在重大事件（如太阳花）的报导",
|
||||
"对深绿选民的影响力",
|
||||
"近年的扩展与挑战"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/sanli_tv.md": "绿营生态同侪",
|
||||
"entities/media/liberty_times.md": "同绿营生态",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "立场倾向"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『本土派』背景——比三立更深绿；2) 台语节目的特殊性；3) 与本土认同的连结；4) 不要简化为『绿媒』——立场更复杂"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-MEDIA-05",
|
||||
"path": "entities/media/tvbs.md",
|
||||
"name": "TVBS",
|
||||
"type": "media",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_media_ecosystem",
|
||||
"topic": "TVBS——香港背景的电视台、立场偏蓝但相对温和。在台湾媒体生态中扮演『偏蓝但商业化』的角色，民调中心影响大。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"基本资料（创立、TVB 香港背景）",
|
||||
"立场特征：『温和偏蓝』",
|
||||
"主要节目与政论节目",
|
||||
"TVBS 民调中心的地位",
|
||||
"在媒体光谱中的位置",
|
||||
"在『中天下架』后接收部分蓝营观众",
|
||||
"香港背景的政治含义",
|
||||
"实务分析时的应用"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "蓝营生态",
|
||||
"entities/media/united_daily_news.md": "蓝营生态",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/polling_ecosystem_taiwan.md": "民调中心"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 香港背景的特殊性——已变得低调；2) 民调中心是核心特征；3) 与中天的对照（中天更鲜明、TVBS 更温和）；4) 注意中天下架后的市场变化"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-MEDIA-06",
|
||||
"path": "entities/media/digital_native_media_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾网络原生媒体生态",
|
||||
"type": "media",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_media_ecosystem",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾网络原生媒体（关键评论网、报导者、上报、镜周刊、新新闻、风传媒等）——是当代台湾新闻生态的重要部分。理解其多元立场是分析当代舆论的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/key_us_taiwan_scholars.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"主要网络原生媒体清单与立场",
|
||||
"调查报导导向（报导者等）",
|
||||
"立场鲜明的政论媒体（风传媒、上报等）",
|
||||
"周刊型态（镜周刊、新新闻）",
|
||||
"民生 / 文化类（关键评论网等）",
|
||||
"在传统媒体衰落下的角色",
|
||||
"对年轻读者的吸引",
|
||||
"实务分析时的应用——多元化对照"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md": "传统媒体对照",
|
||||
"entities/media/liberty_times.md": "传统媒体对照",
|
||||
"reference/source_credibility_tiers.md": "可信度评估"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 列举多家——不是单一媒体档案；2) 立场分布多元——不要简化；3) 调查报导是其特色；4) 与传统媒体的关系（互补 vs 竞争）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-THINKTANK-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/taiwan_thinktanks_overview.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾智库与政策研究机构生态",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_thinktanks",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾主要智库与政策研究机构——国策研究院、台经院、远景基金会、亚太和平研究基金会、台湾智库等。是政策辩论、人才储备、对外交流的基础设施。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/csis.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/key_us_taiwan_scholars.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"主要智库清单与立场",
|
||||
"国策研究院（偏蓝）",
|
||||
"台湾经济研究院（半官方）",
|
||||
"远景基金会（偏蓝、外交事务）",
|
||||
"亚太和平研究基金会（偏绿）",
|
||||
"台湾智库（偏绿）",
|
||||
"中华经济研究院（半官方）",
|
||||
"国家政策研究基金会（KMT 智库）",
|
||||
"新境界文教基金会（DPP 智库）",
|
||||
"智库与政府的人才流动",
|
||||
"对外（特别对美、对日）交流的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/csis.md": "国际对照",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_taiwan_back_channels.md": "第二轨道连结",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "DPP 智库",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "KMT 智库"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分『独立智库』vs『政党智库』；2) 半官方智库（台经院、中经院）的特殊性；3) 与对外交流的关系；4) 简短列举多家——不深档单一智库"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-THINKTANK-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/foreign_actors/key_taiwan_political_scientists.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾关键政治学者",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_thinktanks",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾关键政治学者群——专研两岸、选举、国际关系等议题的学者。是政策辩论与媒体评论的重要声音，也是分析者引用的来源。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/key_us_taiwan_scholars.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"主要学者及其专业",
|
||||
"两岸研究学者（如张五岳、陈明通、刘世忠等）",
|
||||
"选举研究学者（如游清鑫、林继文等）",
|
||||
"国际关系学者（如朱志群、林泉忠等）",
|
||||
"立场分布（不同政治倾向）",
|
||||
"学者在政府的『旋转门』",
|
||||
"学者在媒体的评论角色",
|
||||
"实务分析时的应用——识别学者立场"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/key_us_taiwan_scholars.md": "国际对照",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/taiwan_thinktanks_overview.md": "智库连结",
|
||||
"reference/source_credibility_tiers.md": "学术可信度"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 简短列举多位——不深档单一学者；2) 立场分布平衡；3) 学者立场不等于学术品质；4) 旋转门是当代特征"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-ELEC-FRAMEWORK-01",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/frameworks/polling_methodology_analysis.md",
|
||||
"name": "民调方法学分析框架",
|
||||
"type": "framework",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_tools_and_methods",
|
||||
"topic": "民调方法学的分析框架——电话民调 vs 网络民调、市话 vs 手机、抽样、加权、提问设计、解读偏差。是评估民调可信度的工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/narrative_lifecycle.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"民调的核心方法（电话、网络、面访）",
|
||||
"市话 vs 手机的差异（年龄、立场偏差）",
|
||||
"抽样方法（随机 vs 配额 vs 滚雪球）",
|
||||
"加权方法（人口结构、政党认同）",
|
||||
"提问设计的影响（措辞、顺序）",
|
||||
"解读偏差（投票意愿 vs 实际投票）",
|
||||
"『弃保效应』与策略性投票",
|
||||
"实务应用——评估单一民调与对照多家"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/polling_ecosystem_taiwan.md": "民调机构生态",
|
||||
"reference/source_credibility_tiers.md": "可信度评估"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调方法学——不是『民调结果』；2) 多视角——每种方法有偏差；3) 实务应用是核心；4) 不要过度技术化（统计学细节）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-ELEC-FRAMEWORK-02",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/frameworks/electoral_mobilization_strategies.md",
|
||||
"name": "选战动员策略框架",
|
||||
"type": "framework",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_tools_and_methods",
|
||||
"topic": "选战动员策略的分析框架——基本盘动员、中间选民争取、年轻选民动员、新媒体战、地方派系网络。是分析选战策略的工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"动员的多重维度（基本盘、中间、年轻、地方）",
|
||||
"基本盘动员（情绪、议题、组织）",
|
||||
"中间选民争取（议题、形象、可信度）",
|
||||
"年轻选民动员（社群媒体、网络节目）",
|
||||
"地方派系网络（KMT、DPP 的不同模式）",
|
||||
"新媒体战（YouTube、Facebook、TikTok）",
|
||||
"现场动员（造势、拜票、宣讲）",
|
||||
"实务应用——评估候选人动员能力"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md": "DPP 派系动员",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_factions.md": "KMT 派系动员",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "TPP 网络动员"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 区分各党的不同模式；2) 强调新媒体的当代重要性；3) 实务应用——评估候选人；4) 不要过度细节（具体战术）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-ELEC-FRAMEWORK-03",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/frameworks/voter_behavior_analysis.md",
|
||||
"name": "选民投票行为分析框架",
|
||||
"type": "framework",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_tools_and_methods",
|
||||
"topic": "选民投票行为的分析框架——理念投票 vs 利益投票、议题投票 vs 形象投票、世代差异、地域差异、性别差异。是预测选举结果的工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/narrative_lifecycle.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"投票行为的多重模式",
|
||||
"理念投票（统独、自由民主）",
|
||||
"利益投票（经济、产业、地方利益）",
|
||||
"议题投票（特定议题主导）",
|
||||
"形象投票（候选人个人特质）",
|
||||
"世代差异（年长 vs 中年 vs 年轻）",
|
||||
"地域差异（北、中、南、东、离岛）",
|
||||
"性别差异（蓝绿白支持率）",
|
||||
"实务应用——预测选举结果"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "DPP 选民",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "KMT 选民",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "TPP 选民"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多维度并陈——不是单一模式；2) 强调世代差异的当代重要性；3) 用具体案例（如 2024 大选）支撑；4) 避免过度量化（精确百分比）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-ELEC-PATTERN-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/recurring_patterns/pattern_third_force_emergence.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾第三势力崛起 / 衰落模式",
|
||||
"type": "pattern",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_tools_and_methods",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾第三势力的崛起 / 衰落模式——从新党、亲民党、台联到时代力量、TPP 的历史轨迹。理解此模式是预测未来第三势力发展的工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"新党（1993-）的崛起与衰落",
|
||||
"亲民党（2000-）的崛起与衰落",
|
||||
"台联（2001-）的兴衰",
|
||||
"时代力量（2015-）的兴衰",
|
||||
"民众党（2019-）的当代位置",
|
||||
"第三势力的『结构脆弱性』模式",
|
||||
"第三势力崛起的政治条件",
|
||||
"第三势力衰落的常见原因",
|
||||
"对 2028 未来第三势力的预测"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md": "当代第三势力",
|
||||
"entities/people/ko_wen_je.md": "TPP 创办人",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_sunflower_2014.md": "第三势力崛起背景"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 历史案例要具体——多个第三势力的轨迹；2) 强调『结构脆弱性』——这是模式核心；3) 不要预测具体未来——保留分析空间；4) 与 TPP 档案的分工——本档案聚焦『模式』"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-KOREA-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/south_korea_taiwan_relations.md",
|
||||
"name": "韩国对台立场",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_korea_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "韩国对台立场——比日本谨慎、比东南亚开放的特殊位置。受『北韩因素』、『中韩贸易』、『美韩同盟』多重影响。理解其复杂性是分析东北亚台海动态的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/japan_taiwan_strategic_cooperation.md",
|
||||
"narratives/international/eu_taiwan_relations.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"韩国对台基本立场——『1992 断交但维持实质关系』",
|
||||
"韩台经济关系（半导体竞争 vs 合作）",
|
||||
"美韩同盟下的对台立场",
|
||||
"北韩因素的影响（不能两线作战）",
|
||||
"中韩贸易依赖的影响",
|
||||
"尹锡悦时期（2022-）的相对靠近美方",
|
||||
"对台湾的具体支持与限制",
|
||||
"在『台湾有事』情境下的可能反应"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/taiwan_emergency_japan_emergency.md": "日本对照",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md": "美方相关",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/island_chain_strategy.md": "战略架构"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调韩国的特殊位置——多重压力；2) 不要简化为『亲台 vs 不亲台』；3) 北韩因素的核心影响；4) 政府更替的影响（保守 vs 进步派）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-KOREA-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/south_korea_taiwan_economic.md",
|
||||
"name": "台韩经济关系——竞争与合作",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_korea_relations",
|
||||
"topic": "台韩经济关系——半导体『竞争 vs 合作』、电子产业、贸易关系。是分析台韩实质关系的基础，也是地缘经济议题。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"台韩经济关系的整体规模",
|
||||
"半导体产业的双方位置（台积电 vs 三星）",
|
||||
"电子产业的相互依赖",
|
||||
"汽车、显示器等具体产业",
|
||||
"近年贸易摩擦",
|
||||
"美韩、美台供应链的连动",
|
||||
"在中美科技战中的协调",
|
||||
"未来潜在合作与竞争"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "半导体地缘政治",
|
||||
"narratives/international/south_korea_taiwan_relations.md": "整体关系"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『竞合』的双重性；2) 半导体是核心；3) 在中美科技战下的特殊位置；4) 不要过度产业细节"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-SEA-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/new_southbound_policy.md",
|
||||
"name": "新南向政策",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_southeast_asia",
|
||||
"topic": "蔡英文政府 2016 推动的『新南向政策』——重点关注东南亚 18 国及澳纽。是『降低对中依赖』战略的核心。理解其实施情况是分析台湾经济战略的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"新南向政策的核心目标——经济多元化",
|
||||
"覆盖范围：东协 10 国 + 印度 + 澳纽 + 南亚",
|
||||
"实施工具——经贸、人才、医疗、文化、教育",
|
||||
"成果——贸易增长、投资扩展",
|
||||
"局限——与北京 RCEP 等的竞争",
|
||||
"在赖政府下的延续",
|
||||
"对『降低对中依赖』的实际作用",
|
||||
"在 2028 选战中的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/ecfa_legacy_debate.md": "对照（对中依赖）",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "推动者",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mofa_taiwan.md": "执行机构"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『经济多元化』的战略目的；2) 客观评估成果与局限；3) 与 ECFA 的对照——降低对中依赖；4) 多视角——支持者 vs 批评者"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-SEA-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/vietnam_philippines_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "越南、菲律宾对台立场",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_southeast_asia",
|
||||
"topic": "越南与菲律宾——东南亚两个对台湾相对重要的国家。越南有大量台商投资，菲律宾有南海议题与美菲同盟。理解两国对台立场是分析东南亚的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/international/south_korea_taiwan_relations.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"越南——台商投资集中地、新南向重点",
|
||||
"越南与北京的复杂关系（南海争议）",
|
||||
"越南对台的实质关系 vs 形式立场",
|
||||
"菲律宾——美菲同盟、南海前线",
|
||||
"菲律宾对台立场的演变（杜特蒂 vs 马可仕）",
|
||||
"菲律宾在『台湾有事』情境下的角色",
|
||||
"两国与东协整体立场的差异",
|
||||
"在台湾国际战略中的位置"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/international/new_southbound_policy.md": "新南向核心",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/island_chain_strategy.md": "战略架构（菲律宾在第一岛链）",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/us_commitment_evidence.md": "美方联盟"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 两国位置差异大——分开处理；2) 与北京关系的复杂性；3) 菲律宾的『岛链』角色；4) 不要把『东南亚』当单一行动者"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-SEA-NARRATIVE-03",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/international/india_taiwan_relations.md",
|
||||
"name": "印度对台立场",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "taiwan_southeast_asia",
|
||||
"topic": "印度对台立场——近年因中印边境冲突而对台开放度提升、半导体合作扩展。是新南向南亚维度的关键，也是亚洲对中战略的重要变数。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/international/vietnam_philippines_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"narratives/international/new_southbound_policy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"印度对台基本立场——『一中政策』但实质关系扩展",
|
||||
"中印边境冲突（2020 加勒万）后的对中调整",
|
||||
"印度对台的具体动作（议员访台、半导体合作）",
|
||||
"QUAD（四方安全对话）下的印度位置",
|
||||
"半导体合作的潜力（印度推动半导体产业）",
|
||||
"在『台湾有事』情境下的可能角色",
|
||||
"印度对北京的战略竞争视角",
|
||||
"未来潜在发展"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/international/new_southbound_policy.md": "新南向南亚",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "半导体合作",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/island_chain_strategy.md": "印太战略"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调中印冲突的转折点；2) 印度在 QUAD 的位置；3) 半导体合作是当代核心；4) 不要预测具体未来"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-DIGITAL-NARRATIVE-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/semiconductor_geopolitics.md",
|
||||
"name": "半导体地缘政治",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "digital_geopolitics",
|
||||
"topic": "半导体作为台湾地缘政治资产的整体分析——超越台积电赴美的单一议题，含全球供应链、中美科技战、台湾的『不可替代性』、未来风险。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"半导体产业链的全球结构（设计、制造、封测）",
|
||||
"台积电的核心地位",
|
||||
"联电、力积电等其他台湾厂商",
|
||||
"美国 CHIPS Act 的影响",
|
||||
"中国半导体自主化的进展",
|
||||
"韩国、日本、欧洲的角色",
|
||||
"『硅盾』论的多重诠释",
|
||||
"未来风险——技术外移、产能分散、地缘冲突"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "台积电赴美",
|
||||
"narratives/japan_taiwan/japan_taiwan_strategic_cooperation.md": "日台半导体",
|
||||
"narratives/international/south_korea_taiwan_economic.md": "台韩半导体",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/silicon_shield.md": "硅盾概念（占位）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 比台积电赴美档案更广——全产业链；2) 多元视角——硅盾增强 vs 掏空；3) 不要过度技术化；4) 中国自主化的进展要客观评估"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-DIGITAL-NARRATIVE-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/ai_governance_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "AI 治理与台湾",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "digital_geopolitics",
|
||||
"topic": "AI 治理议题与台湾——既是半导体供应链的关键（晶片），也是当代政治议题（认知作战、深伪、AI 立法）。是新兴的政治维度。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"AI 治理的国际格局（美、欧、中）",
|
||||
"台湾的双重角色——AI 晶片供应 + AI 应用",
|
||||
"数位发展部的 AI 政策推动",
|
||||
"AI 立法的进度",
|
||||
"AI 与认知作战的连结（深伪、自动化假讯息）",
|
||||
"AI 与选举的关系（2024 选战中的 AI 议题）",
|
||||
"未来 2028 选战中的 AI 议题",
|
||||
"国际合作（美方、欧方的 AI 治理）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md": "AI 晶片供应",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md": "AI 应用",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/moda_taiwan.md": "执行机构"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调双重角色——供应 + 应用；2) 与认知作战的连结；3) 在选战中的潜在角色；4) 客观评估治理进度"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-DIGITAL-NARRATIVE-03",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/domestic/cyberspace_taiwan_strait.md",
|
||||
"name": "网络空间与台海",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "digital_geopolitics",
|
||||
"topic": "网络空间作为台海议题的新维度——网络攻击、网络情报、数据主权、网络战。是『灰色地带作战』的核心领域之一。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"对台湾的网络攻击模式（钓鱼、勒索、关键基础设施）",
|
||||
"归因——北京、其他来源",
|
||||
"台湾政府的反应（资安署、数位部）",
|
||||
"公私合作的资安生态",
|
||||
"美国、欧盟的资安合作",
|
||||
"与传统军事的协调",
|
||||
"在『灰色地带』作战中的位置",
|
||||
"未来威胁评估"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md": "认知作战相关",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/moda_taiwan.md": "数位部",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/nsb_taiwan.md": "国安局"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『灰色地带』性质；2) 归因的困难性；3) 公私合作的特殊性；4) 不要过度技术化"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-INST-CONCEPT-01",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/recall_system_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾罢免制度",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_institutions",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾的公职人员选举罢免法——罢免门槛、流程、历史使用。是 2024-2025 大罢免运动的制度基础，也是当代政治攻防的工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/taiwan_relations_act.md",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"罢免制度的法律基础（公职人员选举罢免法）",
|
||||
"罢免门槛的演变（2016 修法降低门槛）",
|
||||
"罢免流程（提议、连署、投票）",
|
||||
"历史重大罢免案（韩国瑜 2020、王浩宇等）",
|
||||
"罢免在当代政治中的工具化",
|
||||
"罢免的政治效应——动员 vs 反动员",
|
||||
"2024-2025 大罢免运动的脉络",
|
||||
"罢免制度的争议与改革讨论"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_recall_movements_2024_25.md": "当代应用",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/legislative_yuan.md": "立法院结构",
|
||||
"entities/people/han_kuo_yu.md": "韩国瑜罢免案"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调法律演变——2016 修法降门槛是关键；2) 罢免的『工具化』是当代现象；3) 多视角——民主深化 vs 政治追杀；4) 大罢免案的当代脉络"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-INST-CONCEPT-02",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/referendum_system_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾公投制度",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_institutions",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾的公民投票制度——演变、争议、历史使用、当代角色。是直接民主的工具，也是政党政治的辅助战场。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/recall_system_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"公投法的法律基础与演变",
|
||||
"2017 公投法大幅修法（降低门槛）",
|
||||
"2018 九合一公投（10 项一次投票）",
|
||||
"2018 后公投与大选脱钩",
|
||||
"2021 公投（四项不通过）",
|
||||
"公投与政党政治的关系",
|
||||
"公投议题的范围（不含主权议题）",
|
||||
"未来公投使用的可能"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/recall_system_taiwan.md": "类似的直接民主工具",
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md": "DPP 立场",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md": "KMT 立场"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 法律演变是核心——2017 与 2018 后两次重大调整；2) 与政党政治的复杂关系；3) 主权议题的限制；4) 多视角——直接民主 vs 政治工具化"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-INST-CONCEPT-03",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/electoral_system_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾选举制度——立委选制、总统选制",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_institutions",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾的选举制度——立委单一选区两票制、不分区比例代表、总统单一选区。是分析选举结果与策略的制度基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/recall_system_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"立委选制——单一选区（73 席）+ 不分区（34 席）+ 原住民（6 席）",
|
||||
"单一选区的『胜者全拿』效应",
|
||||
"不分区的政党比例分配（5% 门槛）",
|
||||
"总统选制——单一选区（无第二轮）",
|
||||
"选制对政党体系的影响（两大党 + 第三势力的结构）",
|
||||
"近年改革讨论",
|
||||
"2024 三脚督下的立委席次效应",
|
||||
"未来 2028 立委选制的可能变化"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/legislative_yuan.md": "立法院",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/electoral_mobilization_strategies.md": "动员策略",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/voter_behavior_analysis.md": "投票行为"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调选制对政党体系的影响——『杜瓦杰法则』；2) 单一选区 vs 不分区的不同逻辑；3) 5% 门槛的具体作用；4) 改革讨论保留多种可能"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P3-INST-PATTERN-01",
|
||||
"path": "events/recurring_patterns/pattern_mid_term_punishment.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾期中选举惩罚模式",
|
||||
"type": "pattern",
|
||||
"priority": "P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "electoral_institutions",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾期中选举（九合一）对执政党的『惩罚模式』——2018 蔡英文、2014 马英九都大败。是分析 2026 九合一选举的工具。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md",
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_arms_sales_timing.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"历史案例——2014（马时期大败）、2018（蔡时期大败）、2022（蔡时期大败）",
|
||||
"2010 五都选举（KMT 大致维持）",
|
||||
"期中惩罚的常见原因",
|
||||
"执政党连续两届（中期 + 第二任中期）的累积惩罚",
|
||||
"对总统选战的影响（次年总统选举）",
|
||||
"2026 九合一选举的预期",
|
||||
"实务应用——预测 2026 与 2028 的连动"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "2018 / 2022 案例",
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md": "2014 案例",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "2026 即将面对",
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md": "选举模式对照"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『模式』而非单一案例；2) 多个案例支撑；3) 2014 与 2018 的对照；4) 对 2026 的预测保留多种情境"
|
||||
}
|
||||
|
||||
],
|
||||
|
||||
"summary": {
|
||||
"total_items": 25,
|
||||
"by_group": {
|
||||
"taiwan_media_ecosystem": 6,
|
||||
"taiwan_thinktanks": 2,
|
||||
"electoral_tools_and_methods": 4,
|
||||
"taiwan_korea_relations": 2,
|
||||
"taiwan_southeast_asia": 3,
|
||||
"digital_geopolitics": 3,
|
||||
"electoral_institutions": 4,
|
||||
"unassigned": 1
|
||||
},
|
||||
"by_type": {
|
||||
"media": 6,
|
||||
"organization": 2,
|
||||
"framework": 3,
|
||||
"pattern": 2,
|
||||
"narrative": 8,
|
||||
"concept": 4,
|
||||
"person": 0,
|
||||
"event": 0,
|
||||
"timeline": 0,
|
||||
"party": 0,
|
||||
"faction": 0
|
||||
}
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"notes_on_p3_design": {
|
||||
"compared_to_p1_p2": [
|
||||
"P3 聚焦『专业领域深化』——这些档案不是核心必读，但当分析涉及特定议题时极有用",
|
||||
"P3 大量补媒体生态——P1/P2 几乎未覆盖（仅中国时报已写）",
|
||||
"P3 加入选举工具与方法学——是分析 2028 必备",
|
||||
"P3 加入选举制度档案——是制度性背景",
|
||||
"P3 完成国际维度——韩国、东南亚、印度"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"what_p3_does_not_cover": [
|
||||
"北京侧（按你要求）",
|
||||
"太老事件（按你要求）",
|
||||
"单一立委 / 议员档案（除非有结构性影响——但 P3 不深档单一人物）",
|
||||
"经济议题细节（产业政策、金融）",
|
||||
"文化议题（除非政治相关）",
|
||||
"技术性内容（具体武器、详细统计）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"overall_summary_p1_p2_p3": {
|
||||
"p1_items": 30,
|
||||
"p2_items": 29,
|
||||
"p3_items": 25,
|
||||
"total_new_items": 84,
|
||||
"existing_items": 62,
|
||||
"grand_total": 146,
|
||||
"estimated_total_chars": "约 130-150 万字（依各类型字数估计）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"future_considerations": {
|
||||
"beyond_p3": [
|
||||
"若 P1+P2+P3 仍有缺口，可考虑：北京侧（如你后续改变立场）、历史事件深档、特定议题的微观分析",
|
||||
"活档案的更新机制——时间线类档案需定期更新",
|
||||
"实战测试后的调整——根据中等模型的实际表现调整档案密度与覆盖"
|
||||
]
|
||||
}
|
||||
}
|
||||
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+770
@@ -0,0 +1,770 @@
|
||||
{
|
||||
"version": "1.0",
|
||||
"last_updated": "2026-05-11",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"total_items": 22,
|
||||
"description": "军事专项扩展清单——在 P1/P2 军事档案基础上的深化。范围：军种与单位、武器系统、作战概念、威胁评估。不含军方历史文化、戒严遗产、黄埔系等历史档案。所有条目引用 prompts_master.json 的通用 + 类型提示词。",
|
||||
|
||||
"topic_groups": {
|
||||
"military_services": "军种与单位——各军种、半军事单位、特殊单位",
|
||||
"weapon_systems": "武器系统——当代军购焦点、自制武器、关键装备",
|
||||
"operational_concepts": "作战概念与战略——整体防卫构想、不对称作战具体战术、动员",
|
||||
"threat_assessment": "威胁评估——解放军能力分析、情境分析、窗口期论"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"items": [
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-SERVICE-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/roc_army.md",
|
||||
"name": "中华民国陆军",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "military_services",
|
||||
"topic": "中华民国陆军——台湾兵力最多、地面防卫主力的军种。在豪猪战略下相对受惠（不对称武器、城镇作战），但也面临角色转型。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"陆军的组织结构（陆军司令部、各联兵旅、各兵种）",
|
||||
"兵力规模（现役、后备）",
|
||||
"主要联兵旅与战斗序列（北、中、南、外岛）",
|
||||
"特战指挥部（如海龙、凉山等）",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略下的角色——『地面拒止』与『城镇作战』",
|
||||
"兵役延长对陆军的影响（最大受惠者）",
|
||||
"主要装备（战车、火砲、装甲车）",
|
||||
"与海军陆战队的分工",
|
||||
"与美军陆军的合作",
|
||||
"未来转型方向"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/general_staff_taiwan.md": "作战指挥",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略核心军种",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_conscription_extension_2022.md": "兵役延长影响",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md": "军种张力"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调陆军在豪猪战略下的相对受惠位置；2) 城镇作战的重要性提升；3) 不要过度技术化（装备规格细节）；4) 与海军陆战队的分工要清楚"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-SERVICE-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/roc_navy.md",
|
||||
"name": "中华民国海军（含海军陆战队）",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "military_services",
|
||||
"topic": "中华民国海军——传统认知中『主力军种』之一，但在豪猪战略下面临『大型平台 vs 不对称武器』的转型张力。海军陆战队是滩岸防御核心。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_army.md",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"海军组织（舰队司令部、各舰队、海军陆战队）",
|
||||
"主要舰艇（基隆级、康定级、成功级、纪德级等）",
|
||||
"潜舰部队（剑龙级、海狮级、即将服役的国造潜舰）",
|
||||
"海军陆战队——滩岸防御核心",
|
||||
"豪猪战略下的转型张力（『大型平台派』vs『不对称武器派』）",
|
||||
"国造潜舰（IDS）的政治军事意义",
|
||||
"反舰飞弹（雄风、鱼叉）的角色",
|
||||
"与美军海军的合作",
|
||||
"在『封锁情境』下的核心角色",
|
||||
"未来转型方向"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "上级",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md": "海军张力核心",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/indigenous_defense_industry.md": "国造潜舰",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "战略张力",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "美方军售"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『大型平台 vs 不对称』张力是核心议题；2) 国造潜舰的多重含义；3) 海军陆战队的特殊角色；4) 不要把『豪猪 = 海军受压』简化——海军仍重要"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-SERVICE-03",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/roc_air_force.md",
|
||||
"name": "中华民国空军",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "military_services",
|
||||
"topic": "中华民国空军——制空权关键军种、在豪猪战略下面临『先进战机 vs 防空飞弹』的转型。F-16V 升级是当代核心案例。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_navy.md",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_army.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"空军组织（空军司令部、各联队）",
|
||||
"主要战机（F-16V、幻象 2000、IDF 经国号、F-CK-1）",
|
||||
"防空飞弹部队（爱国者、天弓、捷羚等）",
|
||||
"空军侦察、电战、运输部队",
|
||||
"豪猪战略下的转型张力——『先进战机 vs 防空飞弹』",
|
||||
"F-16V 升级案的多重意义",
|
||||
"国造勇鹰高教机的角色",
|
||||
"面对解放军大量军机的『日常应对』",
|
||||
"与美军空军的合作（演训、零件）",
|
||||
"未来转型方向"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md": "上级",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md": "空军张力",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "军购焦点",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pla_drills_around_taiwan_routine.md": "日常应对压力"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『先进战机 vs 防空飞弹』张力；2) F-16V 是当代核心案例；3) 日常应对解放军军机的疲劳问题；4) 不要过度技术化"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-SERVICE-04",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/coast_guard_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "海洋委员会海巡署",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "military_services",
|
||||
"topic": "海巡署——半军事单位、第一线应对北京海警与渔船灰色地带行动的机构。战时可纳入海军作战序列。是『灰色地带作战』的台方对口。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_navy.md",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/mnd.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"海巡署的法律地位（海洋委员会下属）",
|
||||
"组织结构（北、中、南、东、海洋等分署）",
|
||||
"主要任务（渔业、护渔、缉私、救难）",
|
||||
"战时归海军指挥的机制",
|
||||
"在『灰色地带作战』中的角色",
|
||||
"应对北京海警船的常态",
|
||||
"金马离岛的特殊角色",
|
||||
"船艇装备",
|
||||
"与海军的协调",
|
||||
"未来发展（更大型船艇、更强武装）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_navy.md": "战时指挥",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "灰色地带反应",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pla_drills_around_taiwan_routine.md": "灰色地带行动"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『半军事』性质——平时执法、战时作战；2) 灰色地带作战是当代核心；3) 离岛角色特殊；4) 装备升级是当代议题"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-SERVICE-05",
|
||||
"path": "entities/organizations/theater_commands_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "各战区与作战区概览",
|
||||
"type": "organization",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "military_services",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾的战区与作战区划分——北部、中部、南部、东部、外岛。各战区有不同地形、威胁、防卫重点。理解战区结构是分析作战部署的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/organizations/general_staff_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"战区与作战区的法律 / 编制基础",
|
||||
"北部战区——首都防卫、政治中心",
|
||||
"中部战区——清泉岗、最大军事基地",
|
||||
"南部战区——左营海军基地、高雄",
|
||||
"东部战区——花东、被视为『相对安全后方』",
|
||||
"外岛战区——金门、马祖、东引、东沙、太平岛",
|
||||
"各战区的指挥层级与协调",
|
||||
"联合作战指挥机制",
|
||||
"美军印太司令部的对应关系",
|
||||
"未来战区改革讨论"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/general_staff_taiwan.md": "上级",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_army.md": "陆军部署",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_navy.md": "海军部署",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_air_force.md": "空军部署"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 不要过度技术化（具体部队番号）；2) 强调战区的『战略意义』而非『行政划分』；3) 东部作为『相对安全后方』的论述需注意；4) 离岛的特殊性"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/f16v_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "F-16V 战斗机案",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "F-16V 战斗机——台湾空军的核心战机。2019 年通过 66 架 F-16V 重大军购，是 KMT 时期开始就争取、蔡时期获得的标志性军购。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/tsmc_us_factory_discourse.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"F-16V 的基本规格（不深入技术）",
|
||||
"2019 年 66 架军购案的政治背景",
|
||||
"总价（约 80 亿美元）与交付时程",
|
||||
"升级现有 F-16A/B 至 F-16V 规格的『凤展专案』",
|
||||
"在台湾空军中的核心地位",
|
||||
"对北京的威慑意义",
|
||||
"与中方 J-20 等战机的能力对比（不过度技术化）",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略辩论中的位置（『大型平台』典型）",
|
||||
"未来空军主力机种选择（F-35？）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "军售案",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_air_force.md": "使用军种",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "战略辩论"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 不要过度技术化（雷达规格、武器系统细节）；2) 强调政治意义；3) 在豪猪战略辩论中的位置；4) F-35 议题保留多种可能"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-02",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/patriot_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "爱国者飞弹（PAC-3）",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "爱国者飞弹（PAC-3）——台湾防空系统核心。是应对北京飞弹威胁的关键装备，也是历次军购的固定项目。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/equipment/f16v_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"PAC-3 的基本任务（拦截飞弹、巡弋飞弹、战机）",
|
||||
"台湾爱国者部队的发展史（从 PAC-2 到 PAC-3）",
|
||||
"近年军购案与升级",
|
||||
"在台湾防空体系中的位置（与天弓、捷羚等的搭配）",
|
||||
"对北京飞弹威胁的应对",
|
||||
"饱和攻击的应对能力问题",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略中的角色（『不对称防御』之一）",
|
||||
"未来防空体系展望（爱国者后继者？）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "军售常项",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_air_force.md": "使用军种",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "防御角色"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『拦截 vs 饱和攻击』的张力；2) 与其他防空系统的搭配；3) 不要过度技术化；4) 是台湾防空的『锚点』装备"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-03",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/himars_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "海马士（HIMARS）多管火箭系统",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "海马士（HIMARS）—— 台湾近年大量采购的精准火箭系统。在乌克兰战争中表现亮眼，被视为不对称作战的核心装备之一。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/equipment/f16v_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"HIMARS 的基本能力（精准、机动、远程）",
|
||||
"台湾采购数量与时程",
|
||||
"ATACMS 飞弹的搭配（射程问题）",
|
||||
"在乌克兰战争中的表现作为参照",
|
||||
"对解放军集结地、港口、机场的威胁",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略中的核心位置",
|
||||
"陆军使用，但具战略意义",
|
||||
"未来配套（更长射程飞弹？）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略核心装备",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "近年军购焦点",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_army.md": "使用军种"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调乌克兰参照——不是预测，是经验素材；2) 在豪猪战略中的核心位置；3) ATACMS 射程是关键议题；4) 不要过度细节"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-04",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/anti_ship_missiles_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "反舰飞弹（雄风、鱼叉）",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾的反舰飞弹体系——国造雄风系列（雄二、雄三、雄风 2E）与美方鱼叉飞弹。是应对中方两栖登陆的核心装备，也是豪猪战略的『刺』。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/equipment/f16v_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"雄风系列（雄二、雄三、雄风 2E）的能力",
|
||||
"雄风 2E 巡弋飞弹的远程打击能力",
|
||||
"鱼叉飞弹（含 2020 年大宗军购）",
|
||||
"机动发射 vs 固定阵地",
|
||||
"对解放军舰艇与登陆船团的威胁",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略中的核心位置",
|
||||
"海军 vs 陆军使用的分工",
|
||||
"未来发展（更长射程、更多数量）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略核心",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/indigenous_defense_industry.md": "国造代表",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_navy.md": "海军使用",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_army.md": "陆军使用"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 国造（雄风）与美方（鱼叉）并陈；2) 在豪猪战略中的核心位置；3) 雄风 2E 的远程打击能力是争议点；4) 机动 vs 固定的战术意义"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-05",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/stinger_javelin_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "毒刺与标枪——便携式防空 / 反战车飞弹",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "毒刺（Stinger）便携式防空飞弹与标枪（Javelin）反战车飞弹——是豪猪战略中『大量配置、单兵可用』的典型装备。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/equipment/himars_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"毒刺的基本能力（防低空目标）",
|
||||
"标枪的基本能力（反战车）",
|
||||
"台湾采购数量",
|
||||
"在乌克兰战争中的表现",
|
||||
"『大量、便宜、单兵可用』的特征",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略中的典型位置",
|
||||
"训练与维护的挑战",
|
||||
"民防与后备体系的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略典型",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "军购重点",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_conscription_extension_2022.md": "兵役延长的训练考量"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『大量、便宜、单兵可用』；2) 乌克兰参照；3) 训练挑战是实务问题；4) 与全民防卫的连结"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-06",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/indigenous_submarine.md",
|
||||
"name": "国造潜舰（IDS）",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "国造潜舰（Indigenous Defense Submarine, IDS）—— 蔡英文时期的标志性国防项目。海鲲号 2023 年下水。是国防自主的核心象征，也是争议焦点。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/indigenous_defense_industry.md",
|
||||
"entities/equipment/f16v_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"国造潜舰的政治起点（2014 起）",
|
||||
"首艘『海鲲号』2023 下水",
|
||||
"原计画 8 艘的规模",
|
||||
"国际技术合作（多国零件来源）",
|
||||
"成本与时程的争议",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略辩论中的位置（『大型平台派』典型）",
|
||||
"对北京的威慑意义",
|
||||
"在台湾政治中的象征意义",
|
||||
"未来交付时程与挑战"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/indigenous_defense_industry.md": "国防自主核心",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_navy.md": "海军使用",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md": "豪猪战略辩论",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md": "推动者"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多视角——国防自主象征 vs 资源争议；2) 与豪猪战略的张力；3) 时程与成本的客观呈现；4) 政治象征意义不容忽视"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-07",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/drones_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "台湾无人机发展",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾的军用无人机发展——含侦察、攻击、自杀式无人机。在乌克兰战争后被视为不对称作战的关键，台湾力推无人机产业。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/equipment/himars_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/indigenous_defense_industry.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"无人机的类型（侦察、攻击、自杀式）",
|
||||
"台湾自制无人机（剑翔、锐鸢等）",
|
||||
"外购无人机（MQ-9 等）",
|
||||
"无人机产业政策（『无人机国家队』）",
|
||||
"在乌克兰战争中的角色",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略中的位置",
|
||||
"对北京舰艇与登陆部队的威胁",
|
||||
"民间无人机产业的转向军用",
|
||||
"未来发展方向"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/indigenous_defense_industry.md": "国防自主",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "外购部分"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调乌克兰参照——现代战争的转折；2) 国造 + 外购并行；3) 民间产业转向军用是特殊议题；4) 未来发展保留多种可能"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-WEAPON-08",
|
||||
"path": "entities/equipment/tank_armor_taiwan.md",
|
||||
"name": "M1A2T 战车与陆军装甲",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "weapon_systems",
|
||||
"topic": "M1A2T 战车——台湾陆军近年采购的主战战车。是『大型陆军装备』在豪猪战略下的争议焦点。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/equipment/f16v_taiwan.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"M1A2T 战车基本能力",
|
||||
"采购案（108 辆，约 20 亿美元）",
|
||||
"交付时程",
|
||||
"在陆军中的角色",
|
||||
"在豪猪战略辩论中的争议——『M1A2T vs 标枪』之争",
|
||||
"对城镇作战、滩岸作战的角色",
|
||||
"与既有 CM-11、M60A3 战车的搭配",
|
||||
"争议——大型平台 vs 不对称武器"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"entities/organizations/roc_army.md": "使用军种",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/arms_sales_dynamics.md": "军购案",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "战略辩论",
|
||||
"entities/equipment/stinger_javelin_taiwan.md": "对照"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调豪猪战略辩论中的争议位置；2) 多视角呈现；3) 不要过度技术化；4) 城镇 vs 滩岸的角色差异"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-CONCEPT-01",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/overall_defense_concept.md",
|
||||
"name": "整体防卫构想（ODC）",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "operational_concepts",
|
||||
"topic": "整体防卫构想（Overall Defense Concept）—— 前参谋总长李喜明 2017 提出的核心作战理念。主张『不对称作战 + 多重防线』，是当代台湾国防改革的理论基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"ODC 的核心理念——『让敌人付出无法承受代价』",
|
||||
"李喜明的角色与论述",
|
||||
"ODC 与传统作战概念的差异",
|
||||
"三阶段防卫——拒止接近、阻止上陆、滩岸决胜",
|
||||
"ODC 与豪猪战略的关系（理念基础）",
|
||||
"在军方内的接受度（仍有争议）",
|
||||
"李喜明卸任后的延续问题",
|
||||
"国造潜舰、无人机等如何与 ODC 协调",
|
||||
"ODC 的实际执行情况评估",
|
||||
"未来 ODC 的可能演变"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略的理论基础",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/military_service_branches_tensions.md": "军种张力",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/general_staff_taiwan.md": "推动单位",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/asymmetric_warfare.md": "上位概念（占位）"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) ODC 是台湾国防改革的『理论核心』——必须深入；2) 李喜明是关键人物（已卸任）；3) 军方内部接受度是关键议题；4) 与豪猪战略的关系——同源但有差异"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-CONCEPT-02",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/littoral_vs_offshore_defense.md",
|
||||
"name": "滩岸决胜 vs 距岸阻击的转变",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "operational_concepts",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾防卫的核心战略转变——从『滩岸决胜』（在台湾本岛海滩击退敌人）到『距岸阻击』（在远海打击敌人）的演变。是当代国防论述的关键。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/overall_defense_concept.md",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"传统『滩岸决胜』的论述与时代背景",
|
||||
"『距岸阻击』的当代论述",
|
||||
"两种战略的根本差异（武器、战术、心理）",
|
||||
"为何当代倾向距岸阻击",
|
||||
"雄风 2E、HIMARS 等远程武器的角色",
|
||||
"保留滩岸防御的必要性",
|
||||
"多重防线的整合（远海 → 滩岸 → 城镇）",
|
||||
"在军方内的辩论",
|
||||
"对国防预算分配的影响"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/overall_defense_concept.md": "ODC 框架内",
|
||||
"entities/equipment/anti_ship_missiles_taiwan.md": "远程武器",
|
||||
"entities/equipment/himars_taiwan.md": "远程武器",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "豪猪战略相关"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『战略心理』的转变——不只是武器变化；2) 两种战略不互斥——多重防线；3) 历史脉络（蒋介石时代『反攻大陆』vs 当代防御）；4) 军方内部辩论"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-CONCEPT-03",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/gray_zone_tactics.md",
|
||||
"name": "灰色地带作战的具体战术",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "operational_concepts",
|
||||
"topic": "灰色地带作战（Gray Zone Warfare）—— 介于和平与战争之间的混合战术。北京对台日常使用的工具集合（军机绕台、海警侵入、网络攻击、认知作战、经济胁迫）。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"灰色地带作战的定义",
|
||||
"北京对台的具体灰色战术清单（军机绕台、海警侵入、海上民兵、网攻、认知战、经济）",
|
||||
"灰色地带的『模糊性』——为何难以应对",
|
||||
"战略意图——『以小博大、不开战获胜』",
|
||||
"台湾的应对挑战",
|
||||
"美方对灰色地带的论述",
|
||||
"国际经验（菲律宾、日本应对类似战术）",
|
||||
"灰色地带与传统军事的关系",
|
||||
"可能升级到传统冲突的临界点"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "反应阶梯",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md": "认知作战",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pla_drills_around_taiwan_routine.md": "绕台常态化",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/coast_guard_taiwan.md": "海巡署应对"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『模糊性』是核心特征——不是单一战术；2) 列举多种具体战术；3) 国际比较——这是全球议题；4) 升级临界点要保留多种情境"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-CONCEPT-04",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/civilian_mobilization_system.md",
|
||||
"name": "民防与全民防卫动员体系",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "operational_concepts",
|
||||
"topic": "台湾民防与动员体系——后备军人、民防、灾防一体化。是『全民防卫』论述的具体制度面。理解此体系是分析战时韧性的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/all_out_defense_discourse.md",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/overall_defense_concept.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"民防与动员的法律基础（民防法、全民防卫动员准备法）",
|
||||
"后备军人体系（召集、训练、动员）",
|
||||
"民防团（地方政府层级）",
|
||||
"防灾整合（民安、万安演习）",
|
||||
"战时动员机制",
|
||||
"兵役延长后的后备体系强化",
|
||||
"民间团体（黑熊学院等）的角色",
|
||||
"国际比较——以色列、瑞士、芬兰、乌克兰",
|
||||
"实际有效性的评估"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/all_out_defense_discourse.md": "论述基础",
|
||||
"entities/organizations/reserve_command.md": "执行机构",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_conscription_extension_2022.md": "兵役延长",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/overall_defense_concept.md": "ODC 框架"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调制度层面——而非论述；2) 国际比较是常用参照；3) 民间团体的辅助角色；4) 实际有效性要客观评估"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-CONCEPT-05",
|
||||
"path": "primitives/concepts/information_electronic_warfare.md",
|
||||
"name": "信息战 / 电子战 / 太空战",
|
||||
"type": "concept",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "operational_concepts",
|
||||
"topic": "现代战争的『非动能』维度——信息战、电子战、太空战、网络战。是台海冲突中可能的早期与持续战场。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cyberspace_taiwan_strait.md",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/gray_zone_tactics.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"信息战的范围（资讯战、心理战、舆论战）",
|
||||
"电子战（电磁频谱争夺、电子干扰）",
|
||||
"太空战（卫星、通讯、GPS）",
|
||||
"网络战（已在档案 cyberspace 处理）",
|
||||
"台湾的应对能力评估",
|
||||
"美方相关合作",
|
||||
"在『未来战争』中的重要性",
|
||||
"灰色地带与正式冲突的连续性",
|
||||
"台湾的『太空资产』（卫星、通讯）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cognitive_warfare_defense.md": "认知作战",
|
||||
"narratives/domestic/cyberspace_taiwan_strait.md": "网络战",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/gray_zone_tactics.md": "灰色地带"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『非动能』维度的重要性；2) 多个维度并陈；3) 不要过度推论（具体能力不公开）；4) 与认知作战 / 网络战的分工"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-THREAT-01",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/cross_strait/pla_capabilities_assessment.md",
|
||||
"name": "解放军对台能力评估",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "threat_assessment",
|
||||
"topic": "解放军对台作战能力的综合评估——海军、空军、火箭军、陆军、太空、网络。是分析台海军事威胁的基础。多视角呈现（美方、台方、学界评估的差异）。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md",
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"解放军海军（航母、052D、055、潜舰、两栖舰）",
|
||||
"解放军空军（J-20、J-16、J-10C 等）",
|
||||
"火箭军——飞弹是核心威胁（东风系列、巡弋飞弹）",
|
||||
"陆军——对台不直接但配合两栖",
|
||||
"太空与网络能力",
|
||||
"情报、监视、侦察（ISR）能力",
|
||||
"评估的多元来源——美方、台方、智库",
|
||||
"评估的争议（高估 vs 低估）",
|
||||
"近 5 年能力变化趋势",
|
||||
"未来 5-10 年的展望"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "反应阶梯",
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md": "军事压力时间线",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_blockade_drills_aug_2022.md": "实际演示",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_joint_sword_2024_drills.md": "实际演示"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多视角——避免单一来源；2) 评估的争议性（高估 vs 低估）；3) 不要过度技术化；4) 时间维度——能力是动态的"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-THREAT-02",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/cross_strait/pla_amphibious_capability.md",
|
||||
"name": "解放军两栖与登陆能力",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "threat_assessment",
|
||||
"topic": "解放军两栖登陆能力的具体评估——这是『传统武统』情境的关键。理解其能力与限制是分析战争情境的基础。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/pla_capabilities_assessment.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"两栖舰艇（071、075 型）",
|
||||
"海军陆战队（约 4-6 旅）",
|
||||
"陆军两栖合成旅",
|
||||
"运输能力的『一波次』兵力",
|
||||
"民用船征用的角色",
|
||||
"台海特殊条件（季节、海象、台湾地形）",
|
||||
"解放军两栖经验不足的限制",
|
||||
"美方与台方的评估差异",
|
||||
"『直接入侵』vs『封锁』vs『有限攻击』的能力差异"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/pla_capabilities_assessment.md": "总体评估",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "应对",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/littoral_vs_offshore_defense.md": "防御战略"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 强调『能力 + 限制』双面；2) 台海特殊条件的核心作用；3) 多种情境的能力差异；4) 多元来源评估"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-THREAT-03",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/cross_strait/blockade_scenarios.md",
|
||||
"name": "海上封锁情境分析",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "threat_assessment",
|
||||
"topic": "中方对台『海上封锁』情境的分析——是 2022 围台军演后被视为最可能的施压形式。封锁的多种类型、可能后果、应对挑战。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/pla_amphibious_capability.md",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_blockade_drills_aug_2022.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"海上封锁的多种类型（部分检查、全面封锁、隔离）",
|
||||
"2022 围台军演的『封锁演练』成分",
|
||||
"封锁对台湾经济的影响（能源、贸易、粮食）",
|
||||
"封锁的国际法争议",
|
||||
"美方可能的反应",
|
||||
"国际社会的可能介入",
|
||||
"台湾的应对能力（储备、突围）",
|
||||
"封锁与战争的临界点",
|
||||
"比较——古巴飞弹危机、乌克兰封锁",
|
||||
"未来 2027/2030 情境的可能"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_blockade_drills_aug_2022.md": "实际演练",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/pla_amphibious_capability.md": "能力基础",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "反应阶梯"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 多种封锁类型并陈——不是单一情境；2) 经济影响要具体（能源、贸易、粮食）；3) 国际法与国际反应的复杂性；4) 多个情境保留多种可能"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
{
|
||||
"id": "P-MIL-EXT-THREAT-04",
|
||||
"path": "narratives/cross_strait/window_of_vulnerability.md",
|
||||
"name": "「窗口期」论——2027/2030 的争议",
|
||||
"type": "narrative",
|
||||
"priority": "P-MIL-EXT",
|
||||
"topic_group": "threat_assessment",
|
||||
"topic": "「窗口期」论——美国军方与部分学者提出的『北京可能在 2027/2030 前攻台』论述。是当代台海议题最具争议的论述之一。本档案处理多元观点。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md",
|
||||
"narratives/china_side/unification_process_discourse.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"『窗口期』论的源起——Davidson 2021、Aquilino 2023 等",
|
||||
"『2027』作为解放军建军 100 周年节点",
|
||||
"『2030』作为另一参照",
|
||||
"支持者论据（习时间感、解放军能力、人口窗口）",
|
||||
"反对者论据（北京内部成本、美方威慑、台湾韧性）",
|
||||
"中性观察——结构压力 vs 硬时间表",
|
||||
"在台湾内部的论述使用",
|
||||
"在美方内部的辩论",
|
||||
"对国防政策的实际影响（『紧迫感』）",
|
||||
"如何避免『窗口期』的自我实现"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/china_side/unification_process_discourse.md": "北京统一时间感",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/porcupine_strategy.md": "应对策略",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/pla_capabilities_assessment.md": "能力基础",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md": "相关论述"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "1) 这是争议性最高的档案——多视角是核心；2) 避免选边——既不主张『一定会』也不主张『一定不会』；3) 列出多种诠释；4) 强调论述本身的『政治效应』——影响政策"
|
||||
}
|
||||
|
||||
],
|
||||
|
||||
"summary": {
|
||||
"total_items": 22,
|
||||
"by_group": {
|
||||
"military_services": 5,
|
||||
"weapon_systems": 8,
|
||||
"operational_concepts": 5,
|
||||
"threat_assessment": 4
|
||||
},
|
||||
"by_type": {
|
||||
"organization": 5,
|
||||
"narrative": 12,
|
||||
"concept": 5
|
||||
}
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"notes_on_design": {
|
||||
"what_this_list_covers": [
|
||||
"军种与单位（陆海空 + 海巡署 + 战区）",
|
||||
"当代武器系统（F-16V、爱国者、HIMARS、反舰飞弹、毒刺/标枪、潜舰、无人机、战车）",
|
||||
"作战概念（ODC、滩岸 vs 距岸、灰色地带、民防、信息战）",
|
||||
"威胁评估（解放军能力、两栖、封锁、窗口期）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"what_this_list_does_not_cover": [
|
||||
"军方文化（戒严遗产、黄埔系等历史档案——按你要求排除）",
|
||||
"退役将领个人档案（除非有结构性影响）",
|
||||
"技术性深度（武器规格细节、电子参数）",
|
||||
"戒严时代军方角色",
|
||||
"军事教育系统（国防大学等——可纳入 P3 等后续）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"design_principles": [
|
||||
"聚焦『分析价值』——不是装备百科",
|
||||
"多视角呈现，特别在威胁评估部分",
|
||||
"强调『当代议题』——避免历史档案",
|
||||
"与已有档案的协调——避免重复"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"integration_with_existing_lists": {
|
||||
"where_this_fits": "本清单是 P1/P2/P3 之外的『军事专项』——可视为 P2 的延伸或独立『P-MIL-EXT』层级",
|
||||
"interaction_with_p1": "与 P1 已规划军事档案（顾立雄、国防部、国安会等）互补——不重复",
|
||||
"interaction_with_p2": "与 P2 已规划军事档案（参谋本部、国安局等）互补",
|
||||
"after_completion": "完成后，台湾军事议题的档案数将达约 40 份——可支持深度军事分析"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"overall_summary_with_extension": {
|
||||
"p1_items": 30,
|
||||
"p2_items": 29,
|
||||
"p3_items": 24,
|
||||
"p_mil_ext_items": 22,
|
||||
"total_new_items": 105,
|
||||
"existing_items": 62,
|
||||
"grand_total": 167
|
||||
}
|
||||
}
|
||||
@@ -0,0 +1,426 @@
|
||||
{
|
||||
"version": "1.0",
|
||||
"last_updated": "2026-05-11",
|
||||
"description": "台湾 2028 选举与两岸知识库的通用写作规范与类型规范。所有个别文件的清单条目都引用此文件作为基础。",
|
||||
|
||||
"master_prompt": {
|
||||
"role": "你正在为一个台湾 2028 选举与两岸关系的分析知识库撰写一份核心档案。该知识库供中等规模的本地 LLM（如 Qwen-32B）在分析时检索使用——读者是模型，不是人类。",
|
||||
|
||||
"writing_philosophy": {
|
||||
"core_principle": "你写的是『分析者的操作工具』，不是『百科全书条目』。每段话都要回答三个问题之一：(1) 这是什么事实？ (2) 这个事实如何嵌入更大的政治结构？ (3) 分析时如何用这个事实？三层并重，不能只停在第一层。",
|
||||
|
||||
"what_to_avoid": [
|
||||
"维基百科式的生平 / 概况 / 年表罗列——这种内容到处都有，不该出现在本知识库",
|
||||
"信息密度低的『综述段落』——例如『他在两岸议题上有重要影响』之类的空话",
|
||||
"立场鲜明的评价——例如『他做得很好』、『这是错误的决定』",
|
||||
"把单一事实当结论——例如只描述事件、不解读结构意义",
|
||||
"选边——任何争议议题都要呈现多方视角"
|
||||
],
|
||||
|
||||
"what_to_pursue": [
|
||||
"明确的『分析含义』——每个事实段后跟随一段说明『分析时如何用这个』",
|
||||
"揭示『结构性内在矛盾』——例如『X 与 Y 看似一致但内在冲突』、『看似对立但其实共生』",
|
||||
"明示『分析陷阱』——具体说『分析者最容易在这里犯什么错』",
|
||||
"诚实标注不确定——『仍不确定的部分』是必含段落",
|
||||
"多视角并陈——尤其在敏感议题（两岸、美台、各党路线）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"stylistic_requirements": {
|
||||
"language": "中文（繁体或简体均可，保持文档内部一致）",
|
||||
"tone": "中立、专业、克制——不夹带价值评判",
|
||||
"wording": "遵循 reference/code_words_and_euphemisms.md 的用词规范——尤其涉及对中称谓、对台称谓、两岸定位、政治派别等用词时；分析层使用最中性的语言，引用层可保留原文",
|
||||
"length": "依文件类型而定——见 type_prompts 中各类型的字数要求",
|
||||
"format": "Markdown；不使用 emoji；表格用于对照分析；标题使用 ## 与 ###；段落之间空行"
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"mandatory_sections": {
|
||||
"header": [
|
||||
"顶部元数据区块（用 --- 分隔）",
|
||||
"包含：类型 / 当前角色（若人物或机构）/ 出生时间（若人物）/ 何时调用此档案"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"opening": [
|
||||
"『一句话浓缩』或『一句话定位』——开头给读者最关键的概念锚定"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"core_body": [
|
||||
"事实层（具体内容、时间线、关键数据）",
|
||||
"脉络层（功能、结构、内在矛盾）",
|
||||
"分析含义（每段事实后或独立段落）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"cross_references": [
|
||||
"『关联分析』段落——至少 5-6 个具体关联，每个关联明示其『功能』（提供事实层 / 提供脉络层 / 用于对照 / 用于交叉验证）",
|
||||
"『常见的分析陷阱』段落——列出 4-6 个具体陷阱",
|
||||
"『仍不确定的部分』段落——诚实标注分析者不知道什么",
|
||||
"『与其他文件的关系』段落——列出相关文件路径，每条简短说明关联功能"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"closing": [
|
||||
"最末的『一句话浓缩』（与开头呼应）",
|
||||
"`last_updated: YYYY-MM-DD` 标注"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"depth_indicators": {
|
||||
"what_a_good_file_has": [
|
||||
"至少 1-2 个『中等模型自己想不到』的洞察——这是档案的核心价值",
|
||||
"至少 1 个『破除常见简化』的判断——例如『把 X 等同于 Y 是错的，因为...』",
|
||||
"至少 1 个『结构性命题』——不只描述，而是揭示因果或结构",
|
||||
"具体的事实细节（日期、数据、人物关系）支撑分析",
|
||||
"明示『此事实可有多种解读』——避免单一诠释"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"anti_patterns": [
|
||||
"不要写『他认为...』、『她相信...』等心理化描述——除非有具体证据",
|
||||
"不要用『众所周知』、『显然』等省略论证的措辞",
|
||||
"不要假设读者立场——读者是分析者，不是支持者或反对者",
|
||||
"不要把『北京』、『美国』、『DPP』当单一行动者——每个都是多层结构",
|
||||
"不要在两岸 / 主权议题上选边——呈现多方视角，明示『此为某方诠释』"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"type_prompts": {
|
||||
"person": {
|
||||
"description": "政治人物档案——总统、副总统、党主席、关键政治人物、外国领导人等",
|
||||
"length_range": "8000-15000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"为何此档案对分析者重要（这位人物的分析价值定位）",
|
||||
"政治背景与轨迹（不是流水账——每段附『分析含义』）",
|
||||
"其在核心议题上的立场（两岸 / 对中态度 / 国内政策等，按议题分段）",
|
||||
"立场的演变（用表格或时序追踪，呈现『动态』而非『静态描述』）",
|
||||
"政治风格的特征（决策方式、沟通风格、内部 vs 外部形象）",
|
||||
"其与关键人物 / 派系 / 机构的关系网络",
|
||||
"影响政策的具体路径（不只是『有影响』——而是『通过什么机制影响』）",
|
||||
"在未来情境（如 2028）的潜在角色（多种可能并陈）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"教育背景与早期经历可以包括——但只列『与其后政治行为相关』的部分，不流水账",
|
||||
"家庭背景在『有政治含义』时才提（外省身份、家族政治资源等）",
|
||||
"公开发言、关键文本要引用具体出处与日期",
|
||||
"若是争议人物——多视角呈现，不选边",
|
||||
"用『分析时如何用这位人物的视角』作为段落收束"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md（赖清德——人物档案写法的核心范本）",
|
||||
"entities/people/tsai_ing_wen.md（蔡英文——卸任元老型范本）",
|
||||
"entities/people/ma_ying_jeou.md（马英九——前任元老型范本）",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/jd_vance.md（外国二线政治人物范本）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"concept": {
|
||||
"description": "核心概念档案——法律工具、政治术语、抽象框架（如战略模糊、九二共识、一国两制）",
|
||||
"length_range": "8000-13000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"概念的严格定义（区分『学术定义』、『官方定义』、『常用诠释』）",
|
||||
"与相近概念的边界辨析（『不是什么』比『是什么』更重要时）",
|
||||
"概念的多重版本 / 诠释（如『一中』有三版本）",
|
||||
"概念的历史演变（不同时期含义变化）",
|
||||
"概念的『功能』分析——为何被设计成这样、它实际起什么作用",
|
||||
"概念的内在张力 / 矛盾",
|
||||
"当代议题中的应用（实务分析时如何用此概念）",
|
||||
"与其他概念 / 事件 / 行动者的关联"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"技术细节（如英文原文、法律条文、关键措辞）要明示——这是分析的『锚点』",
|
||||
"尤其『关键技术词』要逐字分析（如 acknowledge vs recognize）",
|
||||
"避免抽象化论述——用具体案例支撑",
|
||||
"若是争议概念——列出各方诠释，分析者识别使用者立场是核心能力"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/one_china_three_versions.md（一中三版本——概念档案核心范本）",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/strategic_ambiguity.md（战略模糊——『功能 vs 表象』分析的范本）",
|
||||
"primitives/concepts/taiwan_relations_act.md（TRA——法律工具的分析范本）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"framework": {
|
||||
"description": "分析框架档案——多维度分析工具（如反应阶梯、政策分析多层框架、归因评估）",
|
||||
"length_range": "10000-16000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"框架的目的——是预测工具？解释工具？还是分类工具？",
|
||||
"框架的核心结构（多层、多维、多步骤——要具体可数）",
|
||||
"每层 / 每维度 / 每步骤的具体内容、识别特征、判断标准",
|
||||
"框架的关键特征（不是简单累加，而是结构性观察）",
|
||||
"框架的『反向特征』或『例外』（高级分析层次）",
|
||||
"实务应用（按步骤说明使用方法）",
|
||||
"常见的使用陷阱",
|
||||
"与其他框架 / 概念的连结"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"框架要『可操作』——读者读完应能立即用于分析",
|
||||
"用表格、列表呈现结构——视觉上让框架的『几层几类』清晰",
|
||||
"每层都要有具体范例——不要纯抽象描述",
|
||||
"强调『识别 / 判断』的具体技巧"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md（北京反应类型学——框架档案核心范本）",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/us_taiwan_policy_analysis.md（美对台政策多层框架）",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/narrative_lifecycle.md（叙事生命周期框架）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"event": {
|
||||
"description": "关键事件档案——单一重大事件的深度分析（如裴洛西访台、太阳花、反分裂法）",
|
||||
"length_range": "8000-15000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"事件的事实层（时间线、当事人、关键事实细节）",
|
||||
"事件的政治背景（为何在此时此地发生）",
|
||||
"各方反应（北京 / 美方 / 国际 / 台湾内部各党）",
|
||||
"事件的『多重视角』（至少 3-5 种不同诠释，不选边）",
|
||||
"事件的『结构性影响』或『永久改变』——这是事件档案的核心价值",
|
||||
"事件的『后续延伸』（后续事件、模式确立、政策调整）",
|
||||
"事件作为『类比基准』的应用（未来分析类似事件时如何参照此事件）",
|
||||
"常见的分析陷阱"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"事件档案的核心价值在『结构性影响』——单纯描述事件没有分析价值",
|
||||
"用『X 个永久改变』或『X 个结构变化』来组织影响分析",
|
||||
"时间线要精确——日期、时间、关键人物在哪",
|
||||
"对照参照事件——例如与历史上类似事件对比",
|
||||
"诚实标注未确定的影响（『仍在演变』、『尚未充分检验』）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_pelosi_visit_2022.md（裴洛西访台——事件档案核心范本，含『四个永久改变』）",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_sunflower_2014.md（太阳花——长期结构变化的事件范本）",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_anti_secession_law_2005.md（反分裂法——法律事件的范本）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"timeline": {
|
||||
"description": "时间线档案（活档案性质）——追踪某议题的持续演变（如军事压力、台美关系演变）",
|
||||
"length_range": "7000-12000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"时间线的目的与使用说明（这是活档案，需持续更新）",
|
||||
"分阶段叙述——每阶段的总体特征 + 关键事件 + 工具特征 + 强度评估 + 分析含义",
|
||||
"跨阶段的『结构性变化』总结",
|
||||
"关键观察指标（分析者持续追踪的具体维度）",
|
||||
"未来观察点（待发生但需追踪的事件）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"时间线不是『新闻报导汇编』——是『分析者的脉络追踪工具』",
|
||||
"每个事件后都要有『分析含义』——这是与新闻的区别",
|
||||
"明示阶段划分的判断标准——为何这是『一个新阶段』",
|
||||
"包含『仍在演变』、『待追踪』的明示——避免给读者『已结束』的错觉"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"events/timelines/military_pressure_timeline.md（军事压力时间线——核心范本）",
|
||||
"events/timelines/us_taiwan_2024_present_trump_2.md（川普 2.0 时期时间线——『活档案』范本）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"pattern": {
|
||||
"description": "反复模式档案——具有规律性、可重复观察的事件模式（如选前施压、就职反应、军售时机）",
|
||||
"length_range": "8000-13000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"模式的核心命题——这是什么模式？不是什么？",
|
||||
"历史范例——多次同类事件的具体案例 + 每次的『历史教训』",
|
||||
"模式的核心特征（5-6 个稳定可观察的特征）",
|
||||
"模式的『反向特征』或『例外模式』（高级分析层次）",
|
||||
"实务预测应用（按步骤说明如何用此模式预测未来）",
|
||||
"常见的使用陷阱"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"模式档案的核心价值在『预测应用』——读者应能用此预测未来类似事件",
|
||||
"用历史案例支撑——至少 4-6 个具体案例",
|
||||
"强调『反向模式』——例如『不施压也是施压』这类反直觉洞察",
|
||||
"明示模式的限制——什么情境下模式失效"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_pre_election_pressure.md（选前施压模式——核心范本）",
|
||||
"events/recurring_patterns/pattern_arms_sales_timing.md（军售时机模式）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"narrative": {
|
||||
"description": "政治叙事档案——分析某种政治论述的内容、传播、效力（如疑美论、战争和平、统一进程论述）",
|
||||
"length_range": "10000-16000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"叙事的核心命题——这种论述主张什么？",
|
||||
"叙事的源流（论述从哪来、何时形成、推动者是谁）",
|
||||
"叙事的支撑论据（论述的内部逻辑）",
|
||||
"叙事的版本演变（不同时期的不同强度）",
|
||||
"叙事的传播载体（媒体、政治人物、网络）",
|
||||
"叙事的对立 / 替代叙事（同一议题的其他诠释）",
|
||||
"叙事的当前影响力评估",
|
||||
"叙事在选举 / 政治决策中的具体应用"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"叙事档案要『中立呈现』——分析者要识别论述但不评判",
|
||||
"明示『此叙事的支持者 vs 反对者』的立场分布",
|
||||
"叙事常有『多版本』——区分『弱版』『强版』『极端版』",
|
||||
"强调叙事的『功能』——为何此论述在当前政治氛围下存在"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/skepticism_of_us.md（疑美论——叙事档案核心范本）",
|
||||
"narratives/cross_strait/status_quo_drift.md（现状偏移叙事）",
|
||||
"narratives/us_taiwan/trump_taiwan_uncertainty.md（川普不确定性叙事）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"party": {
|
||||
"description": "政党总览档案——某政党的整体结构、路线、选民基础、当代角色",
|
||||
"length_range": "10000-15000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"为何此档案对分析者重要（破除单一行动者的简化）",
|
||||
"政党的『多重身份』——在不同视角下扮演不同角色",
|
||||
"当代核心路线（不只是『立场』，要包括路线的形成、张力、调整）",
|
||||
"派系结构（指向派系档案）",
|
||||
"选民基础（次群体、人口结构、变化趋势）",
|
||||
"当代成就与困境（双面呈现）",
|
||||
"在未来选举（如 2028）的角色（多种情境）",
|
||||
"与其他党的关系",
|
||||
"与北京 / 美方 / 国际的关系"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"强调『派系联盟』而非单一行动者——这是当代两大党的实质",
|
||||
"选民基础要『次群体化』——不要把『DPP 选民』当一个整体",
|
||||
"成就与困境要并陈——避免单边描述"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_overview.md（DPP 总览——政党档案核心范本）",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_overview.md（KMT 总览）",
|
||||
"entities/parties/tpp_overview.md（TPP 总览）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"faction": {
|
||||
"description": "派系档案——政党内部派系的详细结构（如 DPP 派系、KMT 派系）",
|
||||
"length_range": "10000-15000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"为何懂派系是分析的关键（破除『单一政党』的简化）",
|
||||
"派系的『主要派系』——每个派系的起源、当前状态、核心特征、关键人物",
|
||||
"派系运作的具体机制（提名、人事、政策、动员等）",
|
||||
"派系格局的历史演变",
|
||||
"派系动态（当代主导派系、衰退派系、兴起派系）",
|
||||
"与意识形态的关系（多数派系不是『理念俱乐部』，是资源分配机制）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"强调『派系运作』的实质——具体如何分配资源、协调决策",
|
||||
"用表格列出各派系的对比",
|
||||
"避免把派系当『理念分歧』——多数是资源分配"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"entities/parties/dpp_factions.md（DPP 派系——派系档案核心范本）",
|
||||
"entities/parties/kmt_factions.md（KMT 派系）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"organization": {
|
||||
"description": "机构档案——政府机构、非政府组织、智库等（如 AIT、国台办、CSIS、解放军东部战区）",
|
||||
"length_range": "8000-13000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"机构的法律 / 制度性质（『是什么』『不是什么』）",
|
||||
"机构的组织结构（核心层、执行层）",
|
||||
"机构的主要职能",
|
||||
"机构的历史与重要时刻",
|
||||
"机构与其他机构 / 行动者的关系",
|
||||
"机构在当代议题中的实际角色",
|
||||
"实务分析时如何使用此机构作为观察对象"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"机构常有『法律性质 vs 实质角色』的差异（如 AIT）——要明示这种张力",
|
||||
"强调『观察机构的指标』——例如人事、声明、行动等",
|
||||
"避免把机构当『黑箱』——要拆解内部运作"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ait.md（AIT——机构档案核心范本）",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/csis.md（CSIS——智库档案范本）",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/us_congress_taiwan_caucus.md（国会涉台连线——非正式组织范本）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"media": {
|
||||
"description": "媒体档案——单一媒体或媒体集团（如中国时报、自由时报、人民日报）",
|
||||
"length_range": "8000-13000 字",
|
||||
"must_cover_dimensions": [
|
||||
"媒体的基本资料（所有权、规模、政治位置）",
|
||||
"所有权与资金来源（这是分析媒体立场的关键）",
|
||||
"历史转折点（如果适用——例如所有权易主）",
|
||||
"在媒体生态中的位置与角色",
|
||||
"立场特征与典型叙事框架",
|
||||
"实务分析（如何解读此媒体的报导）"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"additional_notes": [
|
||||
"强调『媒体的功能』而非『媒体说什么』——是论述载体、是合法性提供者、是政治位置标志",
|
||||
"明示资金来源——这影响立场的判断",
|
||||
"提供『信号词字典』层级的语言识别——此媒体常用什么措辞",
|
||||
"避免使用『红媒』、『绿媒』等立场鲜明的标签作为分析框架——用功能性描述"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"reference_files": [
|
||||
"entities/media/china_times.md（中国时报——媒体档案核心范本）"
|
||||
]
|
||||
}
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"json_schema_for_individual_items": {
|
||||
"description": "每个待写文件的清单条目用此 JSON schema",
|
||||
"fields": {
|
||||
"id": "议题代码-类型代码-编号，例如 'P1-BJ-PERSON-01'（P1 优先级 / BJ 北京议题 / PERSON 类型 / 01 编号）",
|
||||
"path": "完整路径，例如 entities/people/xi_jinping_taiwan_policy.md",
|
||||
"name": "中文名称",
|
||||
"type": "对应 type_prompts 中的类型 key",
|
||||
"priority": "P1 / P2 / P3",
|
||||
"topic_group": "议题分组，例如 '北京侧'、'台湾内部'、'国际维度'、'选举工具'、'媒体生态' 等",
|
||||
"topic": "主题描述，1-2 句，明示此档案在整个知识库中的功能定位",
|
||||
"style_reference": "参考的已写好同类文件路径（1-2 份）——API 调用时应优先读这些文件了解风格",
|
||||
"must_cover": "数组，列出本文件必须涵盖的特定维度（5-10 项）——这是 type_prompts 中通用维度之外的『此文件特定』维度",
|
||||
"key_relations": "对象，key 为相关文件路径，value 为关联功能简短描述",
|
||||
"notes": "字符串，本文件的宏观写作注意事项——不必细到段落级，只需指出几个特定要点"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"example_item": {
|
||||
"id": "P1-BJ-PERSON-01",
|
||||
"path": "entities/people/xi_jinping_taiwan_policy.md",
|
||||
"name": "习近平的对台路线",
|
||||
"type": "person",
|
||||
"priority": "P1",
|
||||
"topic_group": "北京侧",
|
||||
"topic": "习近平 2012 上任以来的对台政策路线——从'和平统一为主'逐步偏向'统一进程紧迫化'。理解习路线是分析当代北京所有对台行为的源头。",
|
||||
"style_reference": [
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md",
|
||||
"entities/people/donald_trump.md"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"must_cover": [
|
||||
"习对台政策的前期 vs 后期演变（2012-2018 vs 2018 后）",
|
||||
"与毛邓江胡的对台路线对照",
|
||||
"'中华民族伟大复兴'对统一论述的核心作用",
|
||||
"2019.01.02 元二讲话的关键转折",
|
||||
"2022 二十大对台部分写入党章",
|
||||
"习的'个人因素'（任内完成统一的政治资产 vs 政治压力）",
|
||||
"决策机制：'中央对台工作领导小组'的角色"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"key_relations": {
|
||||
"narratives/china_side/unification_process_discourse.md": "提供论述框架——本档案是这套论述的『个人版』",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_anti_secession_law_2005.md": "提供法律工具基础——习时代将其『再激活』",
|
||||
"narratives/china_side/one_country_two_systems_taiwan_version.md": "习推动的具体方案",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/taiwan_affairs_office.md": "习路线的执行机构",
|
||||
"entities/foreign_actors/ccp_taiwan_work_leadership.md": "习路线的决策机制",
|
||||
"primitives/frameworks/beijing_response_typology.md": "习时代反应模式的源头",
|
||||
"entities/people/lai_ching_te.md": "当代主要对手",
|
||||
"events/key_events/event_blockade_drills_aug_2022.md": "习路线的军事表现"
|
||||
},
|
||||
"notes": "避免心理化分析（不要推论习的『野心』或『心态』）；区分论述层 vs 行动层；不要直接预测时间表，呈现多种可能；诚实标注内部决策不公开的部分"
|
||||
}
|
||||
},
|
||||
|
||||
"api_invocation_guidance": {
|
||||
"description": "调用 API 生成单一文件时的建议组合方式",
|
||||
"recommended_prompt_structure": [
|
||||
"1. 提供 master_prompt（写作哲学 + 品质标准 + 风格要求）——所有文件共用",
|
||||
"2. 提供对应类型的 type_prompt（type_prompts[type]）",
|
||||
"3. 提供 style_reference 中的 1-2 份已写好文件的完整内容（作为风格基准）",
|
||||
"4. 提供该文件的清单条目（含 must_cover、key_relations、notes）",
|
||||
"5. 指示：『按照以上规范，撰写 {path} 这份档案，主题为 {topic}，必须涵盖 must_cover 中所有维度，并在适当位置与 key_relations 中的文件交叉引用。输出 Markdown 格式，字数在 type 规定区间内。』"
|
||||
],
|
||||
"expected_token_input": "约 30,000-50,000 tokens（含两份参考文件）",
|
||||
"expected_token_output": "约 8,000-16,000 tokens（依文件类型而定）",
|
||||
"quality_check_after_generation": [
|
||||
"字数是否在区间内",
|
||||
"是否包含所有 mandatory_sections",
|
||||
"是否覆盖所有 must_cover 维度",
|
||||
"是否引用了 key_relations 中的文件（至少 70%）",
|
||||
"是否有『分析含义』段落（每个事实段后）",
|
||||
"是否有『常见陷阱』和『仍不确定的部分』段落",
|
||||
"是否避免了 anti_patterns 列表中的问题"
|
||||
]
|
||||
}
|
||||
}
|
||||
+1307
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Reference in new issue
Block a user